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Ideals and delusions. Balkan War and catastrophe of 1913. The Great European war and involvement of Bulgaria. The 1918 catastrophe, its consequences for Bulgaria and the prospects. Published in 1926 by »Кооперативна печатница Гутенбергъ,«
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Author Iordan Georgiev is printed at the cover page as "Iordane Pope Guéorgieff". Second auhtor: " St. N. Chichkoff" The book is about: Aspect physique et population // Composition de la population sous le joug turc // Développement du grécisme jusqu'en 1872 // Développement du grécisme pendant les années 1872-1913 // a) Séparation des bulgares du Patriarcat . . . // b) La terreur grecque pendant les années 1902-1908 // c) Moyens divers // d) Ecoles // V. Conclusion. // VI Documents. // VII. Liste des documents // The Greek texts are translated into French. The list of documents can be downloaded in the introduction PDF file
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It is not at all easy to define what should be considered as beys in the era, when in the Bosnia and Herzegovina at the turn of 19th to 20th century, the whole society was confronted with major changes caused by the establishment of a new state and political structure within which all the social structures that had existed until then had to undergo a radical transformation process. When, in the beginning of 20th century, a team of expert was engaged tasked with defining the title of bey in relation to Austro-Hungarian aristocracy, as well as to determine the manner of proving the right to hold that title and finally to decide which families are to be considered as the bey families, soon it was discovered that even the experts could not reach any agreement. That is why the Austro-Hungarian administration tacitly recognized the right of those families who used that title to continue using it, but this very fact did not acknowledge them any other political or social rights. Some political privileges that belonged to the richest families reflected, e.g., in their legal right to be elected deputies in the Bosnian Assembly, were not the consequence of their bey’s title but rather of their wealth. It is of no relevance that these were all more or less the bey families. Therefore it is absolutely justified to conclude that in the time of Austro-Hungarian administration, big landowners were beys, although within this landowners’ elite there were families that did not belong to the rank of beys. In these circles there was a clear distinction between the landowners who were beys and those who were not. Besides, there were bey families that in the Austro-Hungarian time did not belong to the landowners’ elite. These bey families have not been the subject of analysis in this book that focuses on the land owned by beys. The analysis of social status of these bey families will be the subject of some future book. Focusing on the land owned by big landowning bey families, this book particularly analyzes the structure of the estates owned by 46 bey families. One can see in this analysis that most of the land in BiH belonged to these families. About 15% of all the free land estates (beyluks)and above 30% of serfs’ settlements belonged to these families. Total number of serf settlements in 1918 that were owned by these 46 families, and fro whom one can establish with certainty names and surnames of the leaders of serf families, and the locality of the settlement, amounted to 31,986, but it is only for 5761 of those settlement that we can establish size and detailed structure, while for the remaining 26,225 we only know the name and surname of the serf and the locality of the settlement. This is still enough information for the analysis conducted in this book. Within this circle there are distinctly those bey families who have maintained, even towards the end of Austro-Hungarian administration, and despite a constant process of division of the families and their property, the status of landowning elite so that some of them owned over 50 serf settlements which was considered sufficient for one’s existence without the need to engage in additional jobs (handicraft, trade, etc.)It is evident that these are, mainly, those families who played significant role in the history of Bosnia since the beginning of 18th century, and one could track down their ownership over many of their estates for several centuries back. Following the history of these families during the 19th century one can conclude that marriage relations were very important for the expansion of their estates, since the inheritance of the estates involved both male and female family members, resulted in intermingling of ownership relations among the members of these families. Cases of purchasing land were rare.
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Radko Dimitriev (Bulgarian: Радко Димитриев) (24 September 1859 in Gradets – 18 October 1918 near Pyatigorsk) was a Bulgarian general, Head of the General Staff of the Bulgarian Army from 1 January 1904 to 28 March 1907, as well as a general in the Russian Army during the First World War. (Wikipedia)
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W wyniku działań wojennych prowadzonych w latach 1914-1915 na terenie Królestwa Polskiego i Galicji przemysł i rolnictwo poniosły znaczne straty. W 1915 roku wywieziono do Rosji wyposażenie wielu zakładów przemysłowych. Ewakuujące się oddziały rosyjskie niszczyły drogi i infrastrukturę kolejową. Wcześniej, w październiku 1914 roku, duże zniszczenia w Królestwie spowodowały wycofujące się z guberni zachodnich wojska niemieckie. Dobrowolna i przymusowa ewakuacja ludności cywilnej do Rosji objęła ok. 1 mln osób. Spośród 1,1 mln oficerów i żołnierzy zmobilizowanych na terenie Królestwa Polskiego do wojska carskiego większość także znalazła się w Rosji.Zniszczenia w pierwszym roku wojny i wojenna gospodarka państw centralnych w Królestwie Polskim spowodowały, że w 1918 roku odłogiem leżało 4,5 mln ha ziemi uprawnej, a straty żywego inwentarza sięgały od 37 do 60%. Straty przemysłu polskiego tylko w 4% wynikały z działań wojennych; ogromną ich większość spowodowały działania wojskowych i cywilnych administracji: niemieckiej - 56%, austro-węgierskiej - 22% i rosyjskiej - 18%.W związku z setną rocznicą Wielkiej Wojny (1914-1918) zainteresowanie badaczy jej dziejami przeżywa renesans. W Europie i świecie ukazuje się wiele opracowań, monografii i artykułów, głównie dotyczących kwestii wojskowych i politycznych I wojny światowej. Historycy pomijają natomiast zagadnienia natury gospodarczej. Podobnie jest w Polsce. Brak zainteresowania problematyką ekonomiczną nasi historycy tłumaczyli niedostateczną ilością źródeł, głównie archiwaliów, zniszczonych podczas pierwszej i drugiej wojny światowej. Autor recenzowanej książki udowodnił jednak, że wiele źródeł na tematy gospodarcze czasów Wielkiej Wojny zachowało się, chociaż ich odnalezienie wymagało dużego nakładu pracy.Z recenzji wydawniczej prof. dr. hab. Janusza SzczepańskiegoEdward Kołodziej (ur. 1940) - historyk i archiwista, absolwent Wydziału Historycznego Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, wieloletni pracownik Archiwum Akt Nowych w Warszawie. W latach 1999-2010 wykładowca w Instytucie Historii Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie, gdzie uzyskał tytuł profesora zwyczajnego. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują głównie historię okresu międzywojennego, zwłaszcza zagadnienia ruchu zawodowego, migracji ludności, dziejów Polonii, działalności polskiej służby dyplomatycznej i konsularnej oraz historię gospodarczą. Autor i redaktor naukowy ponad 250 publikacji naukowych. W 2017 roku w Wydawnictwie Naukowym Scholar ukazała się jego książka Polska i inne państwa wobec problemów reparacji i długów zagranicznych w latach 1918-1939.
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The Serbian army in 1914 was a compact striking force, well trained, well led, and seasoned by its victories in the Balkan wars. Its total numerical strength has been estimated as high as 450,000 effectives, who were grouped in three levies according to age. Men from twenty to thirty-one made up the first poziv (levy); those from thirty-two to thirty-nine, the second; those from forty to forty-five, the third. In an emergency every man who could shoot a rifle would be used, regardless of age. Septuagenarian warriors, affectionately known as čiče (uncles), were common in Serbia.
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U „građanskom ratu sećanja” ovih dana je na nov način oživljen Sarajevski atentat. Okvir je ostao tanato-politički, ali se više ne eksploatiše samožrtvovanje Principa nego smrt Ferdinanda. Ko je odgovoran za to što su mladobosanci od tiranoubica postali teroristi? Svi oni u regionu koji strepe od jugoslovenstva i svi oni iz okruženja koji žele da rasterete vlastite nacije od imperijalističke odgovornosti za klanicu Prvog svetskog rata. Da li će oni uveriti javnost da su atentatori bili teroristi? Verovatno hoće zato što Princip danas nema valjanog advokata. Srušene su one strukture koje su Principa iznedrile i koje su ga docnije opravdano heroizovale. Država Jugoslavija je Principu s razlogom dizala spomenike i po njemu imenovala ulice. Danas nikakva kohorta blistavih istoričara ne može odbraniti Principa zato što nema južnoslovenske države kao ostvarenja mutnog ideala koji je vodio mladobosance. A što se rečena država danas više shvata kao iluzija ili kao tamnica to su veće šanse da Princip o neslavnom jubileju bude stigmatizovan kao terorista.
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This volume is comprising biographies of Fridtjof Nansen, Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk, Aristide Briand, Walther Rathenau, Giuseppe Motta, Eleftherios Venizelos, Lloyd George, Benito Mussolini and Josef Stalin. // Emil Ludwig (originally named Emil Cohn) was born in Breslau, now part of Poland. Born into a Jewish family, he was raised as a non-Jew but was not baptized. “Many persons have become Jews since Hitler," he said. "I have been a Jew since the murder of Walther Rathenau [in 1922], from which date I have emphasized that I am a Jew.“ Ludwig studied law but chose writing as a career. At first he wrote plays and novellas, also working as a journalist. In 1906, he moved to Switzerland, but, during World War I, he worked as a foreign correspondent for the Berliner Tageblatt in Vienna and Istanbul. He became a Swiss citizen in 1932, later emigrating to the United States in 1940. // During the 1920s, he achieved international fame for his popular biographies which combined historical fact and fiction with psychological analysis. After his biography of Goethe was published in 1920, he wrote several similar biographies, including one about Bismarck (1922–24) and another about Jesus (1928). As Ludwig's biographies were popular outside of Germany and were widely translated, he was one of the fortunate émigrés who had an income while living in the United States. His writings were considered particularly dangerous by Goebbels, who mentioned him in his journal. (Wikipedia)
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PUBLISHED BY DEUTSCHE VERLAGS-ANSTALT STUTTGART UND BERLIN, 1917. „The present study on the state of international politics and the tasks assigned to Russia in connection with it was written in the autumn of 1910 - at a time when the author took a break in his diplomatic service, worked for some time as a journalist, and then accepted his appointment in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In a small space, the author has succeeded in providing a clear and descriptive analysis of the global political crystallizations since their appearance of. Bismarck up to the events of 1910. All major political shifts in international peoples' life, the roots of today's grouping of powers, are here uncovered by a careful and knowledgeable hand. Some judgments, namely those about the way things are going in the Balkans, have been somewhat outdated by recent events, but have not been entirely eliminated. The fact that the author does not ascribe that exaggerated and completely wrong meaning to Pan-Slavism, as often happened in Germany until recently and is basically still happening now, is proof not only of his sharp eyes, but also of his clean disposition. Basically, Pan-Slavism in the hands of the Russian reaction was just as feeble but popular as a political tool as Pan-Islamism was in the limp hands of Abd ul Hamid. After the last Balkan Wars, Russia's prestige has only lost its effect on the Balkan Slavs.” (from the translator's introduction in 1917)
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The Ottoman Empire was one of the main belligerent Powers in the First World War which ended the long nineteenth century and ushered in the modern era. Indeed, it would not be wrong to say that the Empire was among the major six Powers that fought over four years. The Ottomans fought at no less than twelve fronts in a vast geography extending from European theaters like Galicia to Mesopotamia and the Canal. The war at the Caucasus and the abortive Allied landing on the Gallipoli Peninsula directly affected the causes of the October Revolution in 1917. The Ottoman Empire sued for armistice only ten days before Germany did so. Moreover, the results of the Ottoman engagement deeply affected the shape of the modern Middle East in a singular way.However, the role of the Ottoman Empire in the First World War has only rarely been studied in a scholarly fashion. Years of neglect ended up with the overbearing and simplistic notion that the Ottoman leadership was already pro-German and there was no way for the Entente Powers to stop them from aligning with Germany. As amply demonstrated in this study, this was not the case at all.All those crises that preceded the outbreak of the First World War, beginning from the Annexation Crisis of 1908, to the Libyan and Balkan Wars up to the Liman von Sanders Crisis just months away from August 1914, directly involved the Ottomans. Given the long history of Russo-Turkish wars, there was no way for the Ottomans to lightly discount the imminent danger they found themselves squarely facing in August 1914. Their fear that Tsarist Russia would not miss the opportunity arising in the midst of the great upheaval to settle once and for all the issue of Constantinople and the Straits, the crux of the age old Eastern Question was the dominant factor in their mind.The present study is a diplomatic history of the crises years from 1908 to the entry of the Ottoman Empire to the Great War at the end of October 1914.
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In order to make the thorough mendacity of Putin's rhetoric about "Ukraine as a State of Neo-Nazis" fully evident, CEEOL is offering the Ukrainian Jewish journal ”Ї“ as the strongest possible proof of a habit of "modern Ukrainian and world intellectual thought". The NGO "Ї", an independent cultural organization founded in the late 1980's in L'viv, focuses on modern Ukrainian and world intellectual thought. It offers periodic forums for discussion of issues concerning Ukraine and, among others, Europe, Russia, post-Byzantium, the Muslim Renaissance. It analyzes the current situation in order to develop future socio-political strategies. The organization also publishes "Ї", a quarterly journal dealing with European and Ukrainian issues in politics, philosophy, and culture. It also examines the relationship of Ukrainians with Russians, Poles, Austrians, and Jews and places Ukraine in a modern geopolitical sphere that can further Ukraine's identity as a modern state.
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Iz zbornika „Svakodnevica i društveni odgovori na epidemijske krize 1914-2020“, nastalog u okviru naučno-istraživačkog projekta „Čovek i društvo u vremenu krize“, urednik zbornika Milan Ristović, izdavač Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu 2021. U članku se prikazuje život Beograđana krajem 1918. U danima slavlja zbog oslobođenja, stvaranja Jugoslavije i povratka u normalni život, stanovnike je kosio Španski grip. U članku se prikazuju razlozi zbog kojih je pandemija prošla gotovo neopaženo, uprkos visokoj smrtnosti.
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A diplomatic Diary written by M. Palélogue during his tenure of office as French Ambassador in St. Petersburg, published in France after the end of WW I // Paris, Librarie Plon 1922 by Plon-Nourrit et Cie.
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Published in German edition by Erich Reiss Verlag, Berlin 1927 Original title; «Svĕtová revoluce» 1925 - translated for the English edition into «The Making of a State» 1927 // FROM MASARYK’s INTRODUCTION: I have reported here on my activities abroad during the world revolution in the years 1914 to 1918. I only report the main things. There was so much work outside that I couldn't keep a complete diary; I only wrote down short notes, usually just keywords and names, also in fear that they might fall into enemy hands. I had to be prepared for the records to be lost (an attempt was made to steal them) and not to compromise the people with whom I was in contact. That's why even today the actual comments are not all clear to me, and some details have been omitted. My notes from Russia and my documents, although hidden, were searched out after my departure from there and officially (ť) confiscated
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