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A collective diary from the years 1914-1918, a compilation of hundreds of individual testimonies selected from the records of that time. The book makes it possible to look with the eye of ancestors at the process of Poland changing from a dream into a state.
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In the presented monograph, which is a result of research work for the last fifteen years, the author is presenting its own contribution to the issue of constitutional concept that created the base for the creation and maintenance of the first Czechoslovak Republic in the inter-war period. In the political arena, the idea of a Czechoslovak state stemmed from the conviction of its creators that the unified and common “national” state is the only possibility for the Czechs and Slovaks in order to sustain their own national existence and their own state and to defend them against territorial and other claims of its expansionistic neighbouring countries. For the Czech “component” of the “Czechoslovak nation”, this newly created state unity was aimed to guarantee a distinct majority in relation to the grievously (from the Czech point of view) high number of German national minority; the Slovak “component”, on the other hand, placed its hopes on the Czechoslovak Republic that had to save the Slovaks from the menace of “national death”, which was understood to be the inevitable consequence of Hungarian aspirations to restore the Hungarian Kingdom. Amongst implicit protagonists of the idea of Czechoslovak state in Slovakia were above all politicians like Vavro Šrobár and Ivan Dérer, partially also Milan Hodža, whose objections grew with the passing of time. The advocates of this idea were eager to spread this idea to the Slovak masses, operating in a way which was corresponding to the concept of Tomáš G. Masaryk of “detailed work” – that means by shifting the attention of the social classes to the questions of everyday life in order to prepare them for a “shock of democracy”. The democratic system was succeeding after the “Big War” in a new, joint state of Czechs and Slovaks, being accompanied by economic, political and moral split. The engagement of these protagonists in this crucial period side by side with the trio of state-founding personages – T. G. Masaryk, M. R. Štefánik and E. Beneš – have brought them to leading political positions in the Czechoslovak Republic. There were expected to adapt and implement the “idea of Czechoslovak state of a unitary Czechoslovak nation” in special conditions existing in Slovakia and to impose these ideas in all areas of life of Slovak society by operating with a team of closest collaborators and a broader circle of supporters. The five chapters of first part of the presented book titled “Protagonists” are mainly focused on activities, political concepts and the attempts to implement them in political and social level of the above mentioned Slovak representatives of the so-called centralistic camp referring to the position of Slovakia in Czechoslovak Republic. Their personal ambition and mission of these protagonists was to bring the “Czechoslovak idea” close to the mind and hearths of the Slovak people, to build strong ties between the people and the democratic and republican political order of Czechoslovakia and also to upgrade their Slovak identity, which they interpreted as a partial identity, to the mutual “Czechoslovak identity”. Author’s ambition in the mentioned five chapters of this monograph is to answer the question, which methods and instruments did the “protagonists” use in order to achieve their goals and why they did not succeed. In contrast to the slogan of autonomy according to the Pittsburgh Treaty proclaimed by the Slovak Peoples Party, the “protagonists” announced the concept of “administrative autonomy”, which, asthey have thought, could gradually fulfil the legitimate requirements of Slovaks without affecting the integrity and unity of Czechoslovak state and to put the republic at risk of neighbouring countries having anti-Czechoslovak attitude. There was a significant difference between Šrobár’s and Dérer’s understanding of Czechoslovak “ethnic unity” and Hodža’s aiming to the concept of Czechoslovak “political unity”. The bearers of the idea of a Czechoslovak state were government offices and all parts of public administration. The five chapters of the second part of the book are paying attention to the problems of organisation of public administration and self-administration (district- and municipal administration) and its financing, staff, representation of Slovaks in supreme public offices and the possibility of delegating the Slovaks civil servants to the district- or municipal-offices of public administration in the Czech Lands or Moravia-Silesia. This topic includes also a very significant institution of citizenship; i. a. the searching for a solution in order to find a possibility to don’t let the autochthonous inhabitants of Slovakia feel like a “inferior” population in its own country. Mechanisms had to be found, which should guarantee that not only national minorities. i. e. loyal citizens of Czechoslovakia, but also the Slovaks as a “limb of the ruling nation” wouldn’t feel as second-class citizens in consequence of their treatment by the Czechoslovak public offices. On the other hand, taking into account the efforts undertaken by forces eventually trying to destruct the Czechoslovak state, the possibility had to be excluded to abuse the democratic understanding of citizenship and civil rights guaranteed by the Constitution of Czechoslovak Republic. Third part of the book titled “Opponents” is dedicated notably to the radical-socialist and communist, or Bolshevik opponents of the idea of Czechoslovak state. This issue belongs to author’s profiling research topics, which get new impetus after 1989. This thematic bloc starts with a historiographic overview of monographs and texts written since the Communist coup d’état in 1948 till the fall of totalitarian regime in 1989. It was inevitable to tackle the older historiographic production without bias or, in other words, „sine ira et studio“. In three following chapters, which are relatively extensive in comparison to the other chapters, the author’s interest is focused on issues closely related to the main topic of this monograph: the nationality-policy and the solutions proposed and considered of the status of Slovakia in Czechoslovakia, both during the first years of the existence of Republic and the period before the fall of First Czechoslovak Republic. The reader may find concrete examples of tactical approach followed by the Communist International (Comintern) that was mostly motivated by the interests of the Leninist/Stalinist geopolitics aiming at Soviet domination in East-Central Europe: starting with the slogan of autonomy within the Hungarian Soviet Republic, event. Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic of 1919-1920, through the denying of the Czechoslovak unity promoted under the phrase of “the right of the nations to self-determination up to the separation and creation of their own national state”, and finally till the slogan of “defending Czechoslovak democracy against the interior and foreign fascism” during the so-called Munich-crisis and even more colourful phrases and slogans, which arose in the autonomous Slovakia (1938-1939) and in Slovak Republic during the primary stage of Second World War. The research of this topic is based on newly accessible archival documents and foreign literature. The author is pointing out that in present Slovakia, there is no scientific or a broader social discussion dealing with problems of radical socialist and Communist movement, which existed in the conditions of the democratic, First Czechoslovak Republic, understood as both “systematic” and “anti-systematic element” of its political system. The attention of the Slovak historiography after 1900 is mainly directed to the era of Communist totalitarian regime (both institutionally and personally) installed after 1948 and the Communist-crimes. Author is presenting its own explicit point of view to this issue in a commented bibliography that is introducing the last topical part of the presented monograph. It is also impossible to understand and interpret the “idea of Czechoslovak Republic constituted by a unitary Czechoslovak nation” properly, by restricting oneself to the conclusion that it failed, or to an aprioristic refusal of this idea by pointing out that it was an “artificial idea”, a “so-called idea” or “fictive idea”. There is no doubt that it was a construct, which was at the beginning adopted only by a small part of protagonists, since certain parts of Slovak society didn’t absolutely agreed with it and had some reservations (partly influenced by the autonomist or communist opponents), but the biggest part refused this idea. The balance of power between the Czechoslovak, or in other words “centralistic”, and the autonomist group changed and it should be underlined that even the most prominent protagonists of Slovak autonomous movement (Andrej Hlinka, the nationalist “Old-ludáks”, or the national wing represented by Emil Stodola and Martin Rázus) were formulating their political program of autonomy in the frames of Czechoslovakia, eventually Czecho-Slovakia. It were first of all international circumstances of foreign policy and not the mistakes (although some of them were serious) of “Czechoslovakism” and “centralism” that resulted in the fall of Czechoslovakia and opened the way for an independent (although only formally) Slovakia existing during Second World War. However, the disapproval with a unitary Czechoslovakia resulted in a swift destruction of democracy and the coming to a power of first totalitarian regime.
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The publisher Al. Pascalew, based in Sofia, started after Worldwar I an series „Bibliothèque des Questions Balkaniques“, in which he mainly published extracts from books which have been published in Western European countries. H. N. Brailsford had published in 1906 in London his comprehensive monograph edition on „Macedonia: its Races and their Future“ (London: Methuen & Co. 1906). The digitized issue 3 of the „Library of Balkan Questions“ offered here consists of an extract from the chapters IV and V of this 1906 book in French translation.
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A book about the history of the Białystok pogrom in 1906, and simultaneously an important voice in the field of the theory and methodology of research on pogroms. The author critically evaluates previous research in terms of accepted research paradigms. He thoroughly analyzes sources concerning the Bialystok pogrom, and at the same time, using the example of Bialystok, he shows the general phenomena and vocabulary, including: the city as a pogrom space, pogrom as social interaction, pogrom as conspiracy and revenge, pogrom as a political conflict and finally the effects of pogrom – building a new order. He also presents a discussion about the definition of ‘pogrom’.
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Book is dedicated to the outstanding personalities of the Lodz related - deserved for the liberation of the former “Polish Manchester” and restitution of Poland in 1918. Shows the fate of politicians, local government officials, civic leaders and the soldiers; nationalists christian democrats, piłsudskites and socialists. Authors portray people, for which Lodz has become the springboard to great politics, the most important function of State and in the Polish Army, and those who remained local prominent political and social activists. Some of them were indigenous people of Lodz, others have tied up with Lodz at various stages of life. All, however – though in different areas – formed the history of Lodz: its political, social, economic and cultural life. // Książka poświęcona jest wybitnym postaciom związanym z Łodzią - zasłużonym dla wyzwolenia dawnego „polskiego Manchesteru” oraz restytucji Rzeczypospolitej w 1918 roku. Przedstawiono w niej losy polityków, samorządowców, społeczników i wojskowych; narodowców, chadeków, piłsudczyków i socjalistów. Sportretowano ludzi, dla których miasto nad Łódką stało się drogą do wielkiej polityki, pełnienia najważniejszych funkcji państwowych i osiągnięcia wysokich stopni oficerskich w Wojsku Polskim oraz tych, którzy pozostali wybitnymi działaczami politycznymi i społecznymi w skali lokalnej, realizując się w pracach samorządowych. Niektórzy z nich byli rodowitymi łodzianami, inni związali się z miastem nad Łódką na różnych etapach życia. Wszyscy jednak - choć w różnych dziedzinach - odcisnęli piętno na dziejach Łodzi: jej życiu politycznym, społecznym, gospodarczym i kulturalnym.
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The following is a brief presentation without numbers or tables. The decisive factor was the desire to give the reader, who today has to deal with a huge amount of material, a picture of the development of the Turkish army in a compact space without tireing him out with factual details, although the material often leads to debauchery in both military and technical terms tempted. For those readers who want to dig deeper, refer to the main sources (page 24), to the works of v. Hammer, Zinkeisen, Ritter von Sachs, etc., also referred to the publications in the "Militär-Wochenblatt" from 1908 onwards.
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Any thorough analysis of how Yugoslavia—that is, the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes—obtained final boundaries after the First World War must take account, not only of the work at the Peace Conference and later negotiations, but also of the role played by the collapse of Bulgaria and of Austria-Hungary, and the unstable policy of Italy, fluctuating from one extreme to another. A clear perspective and sound judgment on this difficult problem may best be obtained in such an analysis.
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The military conquest and partition of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia by Germany and its Axis partners in the spring of 1941 was a tragic event for the South Slavs. But in the long perspective of history it can be viewed as an far less enduring in the lives of these heroic peoples than the aftermath of the Battle of Kosovo. Although it marked a major dislocation, a hiatus in constitutional development, it was not the end of the juridical pattern created by the Yugoslav people. The fabric woven throughout fifteen hundred years of common historical experience was not so delicate that a break in the thread of its continuity, even the temporary discontinuance of portions of the design, could permanently destroy the intricately woven tapestry. This is a fitting time to analyze the constitutional evolution of the Yugoslavs. The patterns for collective behavior (which we call constitutions) are complex. Constitutionalism is principally of nineteenth-century origin. Except for a relatively small part of the English-speaking world, whose continuity in legal structure and institutions stretches back into the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the great political movement resulting from the convergence of the American and French revolutions was, par excellence, a nineteenth-century phenomenon. It reached its zenith in the second decade of the twentieth century.
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Published by Typ. Plon-Nourrit et Cie, Paris, 1915 // Four chapters: Historical overview of Dalmatia under Venetian rule // The Colonisation of Venetian Dalmatia // The Nationality of the Inhabitants of Venetian Dalrnatia. // The State versus the Population
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Published in 1917, during WW I, by the Institute of Oceanography at the Berlin University. The „political Geography of the European East“ (as mentioned in the title) is described as the political Geography from German war-time perspective.
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Published by the publishing house „COMMUNIST“ (Издательство „КОММУНИСТ") in 1918 in Moscow.
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The present volume, which aims to show how the 1918/19 transfer of sovereignty taking place in what is now known as southern Slovakia, summarises the author's research on the subject over the previous four to five years. And although the region is inhabited by Hungarians and Slovaks, the book focuses primarily on the aspirations of the Hungarians living there, the reason of which is not only the numerical superiority of the Hungarians, but also the lack of national self-organisation of the Slovaks living there at the time. As Ondrej Ficeri put it in connection with Košice, it was in vain for the Slovaks to make up a large part of the population there if they had not yet been ethnicised and had not yet formed an organised national community that would have made its voice heard and would have tried to assert its will.The choice of perspective, i.e. the fact that I have focused my analysis primarily on the fate of Hungarians living in the region concerned, unavoidably implies that I am talking about Czechoslovak occupation in the book. For the Hungarians of Žitný ostrov or Gemer, the invasion of Czechoslovak troops was clearly an occupation, and this is how they felt in January 1919 and also when the Czechoslovak army occupied their region for the second time after the withdrawal of the Hungarian Red Army. I myself therefore feel justified in using this term.In the book I try to answer questions such as how the inhabitants of the region under study experienced the period of the Aster Revolution, how they reacted on hearing the news of Czechoslovak occupation, how they received the invaders, how their relationship with the new state power developed, and what events took place in the months of the turn in the region of present-day southern Slovakia.The chapters of the book review the events that took place on this territory from the autumn of 1918 to the autumn of 1919. However, the geographical accents are not evenly distributed, as very little is said about the region east of Košice, due to the lack of relevant sources. The main focus of the research was on regions and especially towns for which I had a wealth of archival and press sources at my disposal. I mainly examined Košice, Komárno, Rimavská Sobota, Lučenec, but also Levice, Nové Zámky and Rožňava. On the other hand, I will only touch on Bratislava, as the rich source material on the city would have been beyond the scope of this volume.Just as the volume is not uniform in its territorial accents, neither is it uniform in its thematic emphases. My attention was primarily directed on the interaction between the Hungarian population and the Czechoslovak power, and in this context on the transformation of life in the region under study, but not in a comprehensive way. Culture, the fate of the theatres, education and schools are just some of the topics that I have not examined. This is partly because they have already been dealt with by more qualified researchers in the subject. Nor did I feel motivated or well-prepared to explore the military history aspects of the subject.Little relevant literature has yet been written on the incorporation of present-day southern Slovakia into Czechoslovakia, or on how the towns here experienced the change of sovereignty. This volume therefore draws heavily on new, previously unexplored archival sources.The history of the political turn in southern Slovakia is both a history of disintegration and a history of construction, as the disintegration of the Kingdom of Hungary is accompanied by the construction of the Czechoslovak Republic. Despite this, the Hungarian literature on Trianon, or the Czech and Slovak literature on the formation of Czechoslovakia, almost always analyses only one of the two processes. The result of this cannot be much else than the incompatibility of the 'grand narratives'.However, the volume presented to the reader is primarily dominated by "small stories", local events and individual destinies, which can only be understood if the disintegration and construction are examined together, in their interrelationship. The contemporary history of Komárno or Košice and the people who lived there is at once the history of the withdrawal of the Hungarian state and the history of the establishment of the Czechoslovak state.The occupation of the region by Czechoslovakia was a more complex process than previously thought, in which the course of events was not necessarily determined by the opposition of the two centres of power, Budapest and Prague, but was influenced at least as much by local forces: the leadership of a given city, taking advantage of Budapest's passivity, the commanders of the occupying troops, and the interaction of these actors.Traditionally, the national aspect has been identified as the central organizing principle of the transfer of sovereignty in southern Slovakia, which assigns the place of the individual actors in contemporary events on an ethnic basis. This, however, is the result of a simplification and misunderstanding of the conditions of the time, and leads to erroneous conclusions such as that the Hungarians in Upper Hungary rejected Czechoslovakia, which, moreover, brought them democracy, solely on the basis of nationalism.But this is a misconception, as is the view that at the time of the change of sovereignty, the old, undemocratic Kingdom of Hungary and the new, democratic Czechoslovakia were opposing worlds in terms of their political systems. There are not only national motives in the attitude of the social democratic groups in Bratislava, in Košice and other areas (and even more so in the case of the German and Slovak workers who went on strike with them) towards Czechoslovakia. For the social democrats, the Aster Revolution was a victory for their earlier aspirations and the democratisation of the country, and the developments after the Czechoslovak occupation were perceived as a process against this. For them, as a manifesto of the workers in Košice indicates, the Czechoslovak army was both a representative of an alien national and class (imperialist) power, and this was what made their rejection so fierce.The two elements of the change of sovereignty in Upper Hungary, the disintegration of the Hungarian state and the establishment of the Czechoslovak state, were an overlapping process. From 29 December 1918, when the Czechoslovak troops occupied Košice, the Czechoslovak state power was already present in the city, but the Hungarian state was also there: its institutions were there, its laws were in force and, above all, its representatives were there. Although the city already belonged to Czechoslovakia, in January 1919 the Czechoslovak presence was stronger in only one segment of the state power: the army. In everything else (institutions, legislation, administration), the Hungarian state seems to be more dominant. And even if its influence is gradually diminishing, while the Czechoslovak presence is gradually growing stronger, it is still present. If this had not been the case, the arrival of the Red Army of the Hungarian Soviet Republic could not have restored the 'Hungarian world' so quickly. The change only accelerates after the second "Czechoslovak occupation", when not only the institutional and administrative takeover is completed, but also the population's acceptance of Prague's power increases.For the above reasons, I believe that one of the most important messages of this volume is to emphasise the phenomenon of transience, even though this concept is not a well-established element in our historiography. However, even if we ignore it, transience is a phenomenon that exists, a phenomenon that marks the in-between periods when the usual order of society ceases to function, or functions only partially, because of some kind of rupture, while a new order is already in the process of being formed. From the point of view of the region examined in this volume, i.e. southern Slovakia, the period of almost a year from autumn 1918 to autumn 1919, during which the role of historical Hungary was taken over by the Czechoslovak state, can rightly be regarded as such a period. The months of transition.The feeling of transience was strongly linked to another feeling, that of uncertainty. For the citizen of southern Slovakia, it was not the fact of change per se that was frightening, but rather the uncertainty that went with transience. The unpredictability of the future. The approach of the Czechoslovak army was also a source of fear, primarily because they did not know what it would bring and what it would entail. And the final demarcation of the borders and the second occupation was a step towards consolidation because it put an end to uncertainty.From this point of view, the gradual abandonment of the rejection of the Czechoslovak state by the Hungarians of southern Slovakia and their pragmatic acceptance was also the result of a desire for certainty and stability that could replace uncertainty. From the summer of 1914 onwards, this was perhaps what they lacked most of all. It is a curious twist of history that it was Czechoslovakia, not Hungary, that gave them stability. Then and there it seemed to be enough to reconcile them to their fate in the long term. It did not take long, however, for it to become clear that this was not enough, that the Hungarians, from Bratislava to Košice, expected more.
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The publication is based on the analysis of the periodical bulletin of the Polish Ministry of the Interior – the so-called "Daily Information", covering the martial law period in Poland (13 December 1981 to 22 July 1983). It consists of 115 short "stories". The subjective selection of quotations from the official ministerial documents shows the sad and grotesque side of the martial law, but on a deeper level it helps to understand the economic and social history of the Polish People's Republic, as well as the official propaganda of this period.
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Suūdu’l-Mevlevī is a poet and calligrapher who witnessed the last period of the Ottoman Empire and the first years of the Republic of Turkey. In addition to his father’s contribution, Tahirü’l Mevlevī and the cultural environment of Istanbul contributedmuch to his literary capacity. He has also trained himself in calligraphy by taking lessons from the famous calligraphers of his age. Suūdu’l-Mevlevī working as clerk in the Dīvān for twenty years has also taught the calligraphy in madrasahs. He has officiated in Millet Library and Merkez Efendi Mosque. Suūdu’l-Mevlevī has fallowed a group of poetry aggregated under the name of “Encümen-i Şuara”. He has followed in footsteps of Yenişehirli Avnī, the powerful poet of this society. The only work of Suūdu’l-Mevlevī,aggregating all of his poems is Zādegān. He has used the penname of “Suūd” in almost all of his poems. Suūdu’l-Mevlevī has written many qasidah and ghazels. There are 806 poems in Zādegān. 389 of them is ghazels. His love for Mevlānā and Mesnevīis given special room in Zādegān.
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Pierwsza część książki rysuje bogaty i zróżnicowany wewnętrznie obraz historycznych form zaangażowania niepodległościowego w okresie zaborów. Przedstawiono w niej sylwetki intelektualne poznańskich organiczników i myślicieli społecznych, jak również poetów i filozofów. Kolejne części tomu poświęcono czołowym przedstawicielom wielkopolskiej myśli filozoficznej XIX wieku, których aktywność i dorobek intelektualny wykraczały poza kontekst regionalny. Znajdujemy w tym gronie urodzonego w Wolsztynie matematyka i filozofa Józefa Marię Hoene-Wrońskiego i dwóch wybitnych reprezentantów dziewiętnastowiecznego heglizmu polskiego – Karola Libelta i Augusta Cieszkowskiego.Lektura książki Między pracą organiczną a walką o niepodległość uświadamia potrzebę prowadzenia dalszych badań nad myślą filozoficzną i społeczną czasu zaborów na terenie Wielkopolski. Do tytułu książki chciałoby się dodać „tom pierwszy”, zachęcając tym samym do publikowania kolejnych wyników tak ukierunkowanych badań historycznofilozoficznych. dr hab. Marek Rembierz, prof. UŚ
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The Czech Archaeological Club was founded in 1910 as a counterpart of the Moravian Archaeological Club, primarily to strengthen the subscriber base of the Moravian magazine Pravěk. Its chairman was Prof. Jindřich Matiegka. In 1912, the club organised a joint congress of Czech and Moravian archaeologists in Prague, but otherwise it was only weakly active and did not reach the importance of the older archaeological organisations in Bohemia (the Archaeological Corps of the National Museum and the Prehistoric Department of the Society of Friends of Czech Antiquities). Because of disagreements with the publisher of Pravěk, Innocenc Ladislav Červinka, and because of changed conditions in Czech archaeology after the death of Prof. Josef Ladislav Píč, the club disbanded in 1913.
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Through the examination of Taiwan’s early colonial administration and the Isawa and Takano study cases, we will clarify the nature and purposes of the colony’s acquisition. In addition, we will be able to disperse the outdated economy-centered and demographic theories that many historians espoused to explain Japan’s drive for colonies. This study, through an examination of secondary and primary sources, makes a contribution to colonial studies. Thus, the aim of this paper is to fill the gap and enrich the content, context, and the general understanding of the dynamics and events of the Age of New Imperialism and beyond.
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