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U cilju ostvarenja narodnih ideala – ujedinjenja Srpstva, stvara se organizacija, čiji član može biti svaki Srbin bez obzira na pol, veru, mesto rođenja, kao i svaki onaj, koji bude iskreno služio ovoj ideji.
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One of the issues that the newly established Austro-Hungarian authorities had to deal with after the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was its legal order. Despite the reformist intentions, the replacement of the Ottoman right by the Austro-Hungarian right could not be carried out at once. In this paper the author will try to answer the questions as to how the Austro-Hungarian authorities treated the current Ottoman legal order and if Bosnia and Herzegovina could influence the formation of its own legal system? Ultimately, these answers should project a picture of what was the law in Bosnia and Herzegovina like during the Austro-Hungarian rule.
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Both literally and figuratively, war has always been an arena for encounters with the otherworld. From the interventions of the gods in the Trojan War to the Angels of Mons in the 1916, the mythology of conflict has offered resolution in the shape of alternative realities. As if war is too materialist, it must be endowed with magic. This might be from outside (the Angels of Mons) or through the appeal to internal anxieties implied by the famous question 'What did you do in the Great War, Daddy?' This paper examines the ways in which contemporary songs explored alternative representations of the First World War, asserted a critical consciousness of the paradoxes and ironies involved, and also, in many cases, asked whose interests the War served. The study is based on a huge international initiative to gather oral and written narratives from all the countries taking part in the 1914-18 War. It takes examples of songs from both ‘sides’ in a war in which the ideologies of each were, in fact, remarkably similar.
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The lyrics to the popular song ‘Macushla’ were written by Josephine V. Rowe, with music composed by Harold Robert White (writing under the pseudonym of Dermot MacMurrough) in 1910. The song became an immediate hit when the great Irish tenor John McCormack recorded it for the Victor Talking Machine Company in 1911. Although ‘Macushla’ is not a traditional ballad itself, it may be regarded as ballad-like in the story it tells, the imagery it evokes, and the traditional motifs it employs. The singer is calling out to someone who is either dead or in a deep dream-like sleep resembling death, which may be seen as a parallel world or alternate reality. Nearly ninety years later, elements of ‘Macushla’ reappeared in a short story, ‘Million $$$ Baby’ (2000), written by Jerry Boyd (using the nom de plume of F.X. Toole), which was adapted by screenwriter Paul Haggis for the Academy Award-winning film Million Dollar Baby (2004), directed by Clint Eastwood. Boxer Maggie Fitzgerald, the titular Million Dollar Baby, is nicknamed Macushla or Mo Cuishle before she enters a parallel world when paralyzed due to a severe spinal cord injury sustained in the ring. Although Irish folk tradition often invokes sorrow and the violation of expectations, popular Hollywood films rarely do so—preferring more upbeat endings that do not disturb the expectations of their audiences. The representations of alternate realities and parallel worlds in ‘Macushla,’ ‘Million $$$ Baby,’ and Million Dollar Baby tellingly demonstrate the continuing presence of a traditional past in popular film, song, and literature.
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In the article, the author elaborates the historical processes that influenced ideological and organizational formation of the early labor movement on the territory of today’s Croatia. The analysis is focused on the period from the late 1860s, i.e. from the time of the first known strikes and foundation of workers’ associations, to the beginning of the First World War. The paper deals with the issues of heterogeneity of the working class and its social and political position within the context of industrialization. Moreover, it takes in consideration and explains the most important demands articulated by the labor movement. The author discusses ideological forces that shaped the movement, its regional specificities, the most important strikes, prevailing forms of workers’ organization and the government’s attitude towards the subversive activities of socialist agitators. In short, the aim of the article is to provide an outline of key characteristics of the labor movement that was present in Kingdom of Croatia and Slavonia, but also Dalmatia and Istria at the turn of the century. Also, it seeks to provide a socio-historical insight into the life of the working class faced with challenges of modernization and affirmation of capitalism. Archival sources, newspaper materials and relevant secondary literature were used during the preparation of the text. Previous researches done by the author, dedicated to the phenomenon of the labor movement in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, served as the starting point for the composition of this article.
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Analysis of the representations and reinterpretations of the Sarajevo assassination amid the centenary of the First World War revealed a diverse range of different, sometimes directly opposed, opinions that coexist in contemporary Czech public discourse. We can designate a large part of them, especially in the internet discourse and in the media, for the selective bricolage of historical facts, narratives, misconceptions and prejudices. Different memories of the Sarajevo assassination, its key participants and witnesses reflect the significant ideological plurality of present-day Czech society, as well as the selective interpretation and instrumentalization of modern history in favour of achieving contemporary goals in various spheres (domestic and international politics, tourism, etc.). Many of the interpretations and ideological conflicts we reconstructed on the basis of Czech materials certainly sound familiar to anyone familiar with similar discourses and debates on the Sarajevo assassination which are periodically led in other countries of Central and Southeastern Europe, such as Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Croatia or Austria. In the widespread laymen understanding that we can often encounter, especially in the former Yugoslavia, many of the conceptualizations that occur more frequently with regard to interpretations of the Sarajevo assassination are often understood practically as collective and almost predictable attitudes of particular nations. In the “Serb” discourse, Princip’s actions are usually celebrated, endorsed and justified, while in the “Bosniak” and “Croat” (but also “Austrian”) discourse, the assassination is problematized or completely renounced as the act of a nationalistic terrorist. Examples of Czech representations and reinterpretations have shown that, despite the occasional “national colouring”, these are in fact transnational discourses. Their Czech variations obviously owe their origin to specific ideological and political beliefs typical of many other Czech debates about modern history, such as “pro-Western” or “pro-Russian” orientation, “cosmopolitanism” or “Slavdom and nationalism”. In some cases, they obviously draw from discursive arsenals from the deeper past (monarchism, pro-Habsburg loyalism, anti-Habsburg ideology of interwar Czechoslovakia, Pan-Slavism, etc.) or other areas (influence of South Slavic, especially Serbian nationalist interpretations).
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U svom prilogu autor izlaže ustavno-pravne, političke i druge okolnosti u kojima se Bosna i Hercegovina našla na kraju Prvog svjetskog rata u momentu pada Austro-ugarske monarhije. Analizira stavove raznih nacionalnih i socijalnih grupa prema tom stanju i solucijama koje su se nudile Bosni i Hercegovini i ukazuje na snage i načine kojima je došlo do odluke Narodnog vijeća da se Bosna i Hercegovina priključi inicijativi za stvaranje zajedničke države svih Južnih Slovena.
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Josef Klika (1857–1906) was a very prominent and respected figure of Czech pedagogy in the second half of the 19th century. The paper summarizes Klika's pedagogical organizational, writing and editorial activities. Throughout his life, Josef Klika has devoted himself to the issue of teaching physics, the development of its methodology, the creation of methodical materials, but also the writing of a number of popular articles and books on physics and nature. The aim of the paper is to draw attention to the permanent importance of Josef Klika for the development of physics teaching.
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Žánr karikatur, které přemalovávaly a opravovaly obrazy viděné na oficiálním Salonu, přetrvával oslabeně do období let rané avantgardy počátku 20. století. S multiplikací konkurenčních salonů – zejména Salonu nezávislých a Podzimního salonu – tento žánr ztrácívitalitu a rozřeďuje se v napodobeninách anonymních děl, dale se však objevují různé scény znázorňující umělce v ateliéru nebo ohromené návštěvníky před obrazy vystavenými na Salonu. Stopy této tradice pokračují v humoristickém tisku, jako byl ve Francii Le Journal amusant, Le Rire či La vie parisienne. V Čechách se karikatury kubismu objevovaly v populárních ilustrovaných časopisech jako Humoristické listy, Švanda dudák nebo ve specializovaném časopise Skupiny výtvarných umělců Umělecký měsíčník, kam přispíval svými karikaturami Zdeněk Kratochvíl.
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Totul a început la Saraievo, pe atunci cetate a Austro-Ungariei. E extraordinar, de altfel, să vezi că istoria acestui secol începe cu drama de la Saraievo și se sfârșește în același oraș printr-o altă tragedie, din cauze și în împrejurări aproape similare. Toată istoria secolului pare înscrisă în această paranteză însângerată, ca și cum orașul acesta rezumă toate nenorocirile pe care Europa a putut să le cunoască.
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Destui mai văd încă în asasinatul de la Sarajevo cauza sau una din cauzele izbucnirii primului război mondial. Adevărul e altul. Doar simpla transcriere a reacției împăratului Franz Josef la aflarea cumplitelor vești pune serioase semne de întrebare: „Cel de Sus nu se lasă provocat. Pronia cerească a restabilit acel echilibru pe care eu n-am reușit să-1 păstrez”. Fiicei sale, arhiducesei Marie Valerie, Monarhul i-a mărturisit, ceva mai târziu : „Este pentru mine o mare grijă mai puțin”.
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Data certă a terminării primului război mondial nu a putut fi stabilită. Și aceasta din cauză că trecerea de la starea de război la cea de pace s-a făcut pe neobservate. Cel mai bun martor al acestei tranziții a fost presa timpului, care reflectă cu o anumită fidelitate felul în care au fost percepute evenimentele politice de către o populație traumatizată, dezorientată și deziluzionată. În sânul acesteia, diferitele grupuri etnice au adoptat atitudini distincte, potrivit aspirațiilor fiecăruia. Pentru periferia estică a Imperiului Austro-Ungar data hotărâtoare a fost 1 decembrie 1918, moment în care s-a decis soarta acestui teritoriu. De aceea, m-am oprit asupra zilelor premergătoare acestei date, așa cum au fost ele reflectate în cotidianul „Temeswarer Volksblatt”, numerele din 28, 29 și 30 noiembrie. Orientarea durabilă a ziarului este democratică, cu accente antimonarhice.
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Tevfik of Thessaloniki lived between 1857-1910. He combined his fifty-three years of life with journalism, teaching, translation and writing. He translated the works of French writers into Turkish with his excellent French. Tevfik of Thessaloniki worked as a history teacher in schools and as a teacher in the School of Law. His articles, translations and serials were published in the newspapers and magazines of his time. He died in Vienna, where he went for treatment. Tevfik of Thessaloniki, who started journalism since his student years, was an Ottoman intellectual who was passionate about this profession. In this article, the life of Tevfik of Thessaloniki, the newspapers and magazines he worked for, the works he translated, his copyright studies and personality will be told. With the spread of newspapers and magazines, the number of prominent journalists and writers in the history of the press had also increased. One of these journalists and writers was Tevfik of Thessaloniki. In this study, it will be tried to contribute to the biography of Tevfik of Thessaloniki, who was in a respected position as a writer and writer throughout his life, within the framework of his life, works and what was written about him, but today he has turned into a forgotten person. Tevfik of Thessaloniki, a value that was accepted as a sheikh al-muharririn in his lifetime but then forgotten, is waiting to be rediscovered with his thousands of articles left between the pages of newspapers and magazines.
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Beberuhi is an Ottoman satirical newspaper that began its publication in Geneva with its first issue on February 1, 1898. Due to its opposition to the Abdulhamid Administration during that period, like other opposition press outlets, it had to continue its publication outside Istanbul. The satirical newspapers in exile, referred to as “hezeyannâme (delirium)” by the Ottoman government and labeled as “erbâb-ı fesad (mischief-makers)" by its owners, constitute extremely important arguments for researchers to gain insights into the opposition currents and influences of the era. The publication life of Beberuhi in Geneva was relatively short-lived. Beberuhi can be described as one of the rare works of Ottoman humor publications. Like other publications that operated outside Istanbul between 1878 and 1908 due to prevailing conditions, Beberuhi also managed to enter Ottoman territories through clandestine means. The newspaper adopted reflecting the views of the Committee of Union and Progress (İttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti) as its main publishing principle. Considering the general character of the newspaper, its attitude summarized by the concept of "disobedience" is understood to be directed not towards the spiritual power and state identity of the Ottoman Empire (Devlet-i Âl-i Osmânî (State-i Âl-i Osmânî)), but directly towards Sultan Abdulhamid II and his actions. In this study, Beberuhi newspaper, which was known for its opposition ideas during the reign of Abdulhamid II and embraced a form of disobedience against the authority of the era, has been examined. Within the scope of the study, only four issues of Beberuhi could be accessed throughout its short publication life. Based on the available issues of the newspaper, namely the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, and 5th, the panorama of the Abdulhamid II era is presented from the perspective of an opposition publication.
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Birinci Dünya müharibəsi illərində Rusiya İstanbula, onun ətrafındakı boğazlara, Şərqi Anadoluya yiyələnmək, Türkiyəni zəiflətmək, Cənubi Qafqazda möhkəmlənmək üçün erməni silahlı dəstələrinin fəaliyyətindən istifadə etmiş, Türkiyə daxilində yaşayan ermənilərin hökumətə qarşı qiyamlar etməsini təşkil etmişdir. Rus ordusunda Qərb və Qafqaz cəbhəsində 300 min erməni vuruşurdu. Eyni zamanda Erməni milli şurası Çar Rusiyası ilə ermənilərin könüllü dəstələrinin yaradılması barədə razılaşmışdılar. Rusiya hakim dairələri ermənilərdən istifadə etmək üçün “erməni məsələsi”ni ortaya atırdılar. Ermənilər müharibədə Van, Bitlis, Tiqranakert, Ərzurum, Xarberd və Sebastiya, həmçinin Klikiyanın daxil olduğu ərazilərin Türkiyədən alınaraq özlərinin erməni dövlə tini yaratmaq, “erməni məsələsi”ni həll etmək məqsədilə iştirak edirdilər. Rusiya ermənilərə Böyük Ermənistan yaratmaqda kömək edəcəyini vəd edərək Osmanlı hakimiyyətinə qarşı mübarizə aparmaq üçün erməni drujinalarının yaradılmasını təşkil edir, onları yeni silahlarla silahlandırır, ölkə içərisində silahlı üsyanlar təşkil edirdi. Əslində isə Rusiya, Fransa, İngiltərə müstəqil erməni dövlətinin qurulması üçün çalışmır, Türkiyəyə ermənilərin əli ilə zərbə vurmağa çalışırdılar. Nəticədə erməni hərbi dəstələri Birinci Dünya müharibəsi illərində Şərqi Anadoluda və Qafqazda dinc müsəlman əhalisinə qarşı görünməmiş cinayətlər törətdilər. Ermənilərdən ilk olaraq istifadə etməyə çalışan Fransa, Osmanlı torpaqlarında katolik ermənilərdən, Rusiya pravoslav ermənilərdən, İngiltərə və ABŞ isə protestant ermənilərdən istifadə etmişdir.
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Already during the First World War, and then in the years up to the Second World War, different, and very critical, views were expressed about the methods that General (and from January 1918 Marshal) Borojević chose and obstinately implemented for two and a half years when repelling the increasingly fierce Italian assaults on the Isonzo front. The expertise of those who hold such views cannot be denied, and considerations of alternative strategic or at the very least, tactical options have made their way to very objective scholarly works, such as, for example, ÖULK. However, one of Borojevićʼs biographers (E. Glaise v. Horstenau) pointed out an irrefutable fact: the defence was successful, and in war the individual who achieves success is ultimately deemed to have been right! The purpose of this article is to demonstrate how much freedom to choose Borojević actually had, and which of the aforementioned objections had valid grounds. The proposed alternative options must be weighed not only in the light of possible reduction of own losses with equal (or even greater) effectiveness of defence, but also with regard for the influence of the military, moral and political situation experienced by the enemy of the time – Italy. This is why there is a brief illustration of the military/political situation of both opponents on the eve of the war, the defence measures taken (or not!), the Austro-Hungarian Monarchyʼs plans for a defensive war on the Italian front, and—because this was not psychologically insignificant—Borojevićʼs command style in operations on the north-eastern front (first as corps commander and then army commander). This critical examination is not intended to, nor can it, diminish the historical dimension of Marshal Borojević, who occupies one of the most honoured positions in the pantheon of major Croatian military leaders.
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Sarkotić was a general staff-educated officer, and his views were purely military: taking into account the geographic features of the future theatre of war, the balance of forces, transit ties and the impact of weapons, he proposed the appropriate measures for both the offensive and defensive stance of his own forces. In this regard, his analysis of usable routes was more precise and consequential than that of Conrad, and the war proved him right! He agrees entirely with Conrad in seeing the Tyrolean Sharpshooters as the principal force to defend the borders, and in the formation of garrison troops. Sarkotić expressed better consideration of logistics than Conrad. Conrad exaggerated somewhat in his views of a general offensive, setting aside an entire corps for an assault over the Plöckenpass. Knowing that even the Germans did not manage to take this fortification in 1917, it is difficult to believe that Plöckenpass could have been used to oversee an entire corps in the decisive first phase. In this third study, Conrad did not even consider an Italian attack from the east, but this is precisely what happened in 1915! Conrad and Sarkotić had the same view of the offensive from Southern Tyrol, i.e. it had to proceed from Bassan. Conrad dedicated more attention to the task of the “Pustertal group” and wartime events bore this out. Both authors showed that they were under the thrall of the doctrines of the time: advancement in valleys is only possible if the high ground on both sides is secured in advance; if there are alpine passes, they will be used militarily. It was in fact the South Tyrol offensive and the Twelfth Battle which showed that more robust units could advance in combat even in very difficult mountainous terrain, while the real problem was artillery mobility and logistics! Both authors displayed a visionary understanding of new transport means that would enable the move away from the monopoly of rail as the main artery of supply lines. Sarkotić’s study has particular value for evoking the psyche of the Italian general staff. To be sure, it is incomplete—the author’s subconscious appreciation of the Plateau comes to the fore—but his calculations are entirely correct and his conclusions are logical. And they were confirmed by wartime operations in that region in 1915-1918.
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Svetozar Boroević (Umetić, 13. XII. 1856 – Klagenfurt, 23. V. 1920) wurde während drei Jahren des Ersten Weltkrieges (1915-1917) auf etlichen Medaillen, Plaketten und Abzeichen, welche man zu Woltätigkeitszwecken (z.B. für das Kriegsfürsorgeamt) verkaufte, verewigt. Seine militärische Laufbahn entwickelte sich in folgenden Stufen: Korporal, VIII. 1872.; Feldwebel, VII. 1873.; Kadett, XI. 1874.; Leutnant, 1. V. 1875.; Oberleutnant, V. 1880.; Hauptmann 1. Kl., V. 1886.; Major, V. 1892.; Oberstleutnant, 1. V. 1895.; Oberst, XI. 1897.; Generalmajor, V. 1904.; Feldmarschalleutnant, 8. V. 1908.; General der Infanterie, 28. IV. 1914.; Generaloberst, V. 1916. und schliesslich Feldmarschall, 1. V. 1918. In der ganzen Oesterreichisch-Ungarischen Monarchie war er einer der wenigen nicht deutschen Feldmarschalle, oder aus den Reihen der kaiserlichen Familie. Am 2. V. 1905. wurde im vom Kaiser Franz Joseph I. kroatisch-ungarischer Adel verliehen, mit dem Prädikat “von Bojna” (Bojna ist ein Dorf im ehemaligen Bezirk Glina, in der Vewaltunggemeinde Maja, des Comitates Zagreb. Als Svetozar Boroević vom seligen Kaiser Karl in der Promotion vom 2. VI. 1917. mit dem Komturkreuz der Maria-Theresia-Ordens ausgezeichnet wurde, wurde er ipso facto Baron. Auf Medaillen und Plaketten, sowie Abzeichen, kann man nur einen Teil seiner Laufbahn folgen. So trägt er die Rangstufen eines Feldmarschalleutnants, eines Generals der Infanterie und eines Generalobersten. Als er Feldmarschall wurde, hatte man andere Sorgen, als Medaillen zu prägen. Dann kam das Kriegsende und die Zerstückelung der Monarchie. Die und bekannten Medaillen sind Werke sehr guter Meister, geprägt bei renommierten Prägeanstalten in Oesterreich und Deutschland. Für einige Abzeichen bleiben uns die Medailleüre vorläufig unbekannt. Der einzige bedeutende Bildhauer, der Svetozar Boroević auf einem Relief porträtiert hat, war der Kroate Robert Frangeš-Mihanović.
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In this work, the author describes the ceremonial sabre that Field Marshal (at the time Infantry General) Svetozar Borojević was given by his subordinate officers in the general staff of the Fifth Army (the so-called Isonzo Army), of the Habsburg armed forces, on 2 December 1916 after the successful completion of the critical Ninth Battle on the Isonzo (Soča) River. The sabre corresponds to the type that infantry officers in the Austro-Hungarian armed forces carried under designation M.1861. This designation is somewhat imprecise because after 1861—without any specific regulation being passed—the older M.1850 infantry officer sabre began to be worn in the manner of the M.1861 cavalry sabre. A detailed regulation on the appearance of infantry officer sabres only followed in 1871. These sabres were used until the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in 1918. Borojević’s sabre has back reinforcement on the grip and a cross-guard made of iron with engraved decorations depicting laurel branches, on which some details are gilded. The damask cutting edge bears the gilded inscriptions Die Isonzo-Armee Ihrem Fürer and 2. Dezember 1916. The pommel bears the seal of the blade’s producer: WEYERSBERG KIRSCHBAUM CIE SOLINGEN. The iron sheath has ring-shaped hanging loops decorated in the same fashion as the hilt, while the insignia of the Isonzo Army was affixed just below the sheath’s mouth. All iron components of the sabre are burnished to a black-blue shine. The author cites analogies to this example, and provides data on damask blades and their production, and describes the history and variants of the insignia of the Isonzo Army.
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