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Orosz László: Tudomány és politika. Fritz Valjavec (1909–1960) a két világháború közötti magyar–német tudománypolitikai kapcsolatokban. Budapest, Ráció Kiadó, 2014.
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Written by Svetlana Suveică, reader at State University of Moldova, the work Basarabia în primul deceniu interbelic (1918- 1928). Modernizarea prin reforme[Bessarabia in the First Inter-War Decade 1918-1928. Modernization through Reforms]deals with the reforms in the electoral, agrarian and administrative fields in the decadefollowing the joining of the territory between Dniester and Pruth rivers to Romania.First chapter represents a theorization of the meaning of the universal suffrage andexplains the structure of the electoral reform. Thus, it refers to the right of the universal,uniform, direct and secret suffrage and to the complex mechanism that implemented the Electoral Law. However, the investigation seems to be marked by the Romanianhistoriography’s stereotypies, characterized by uncomplete scientific treatment, stilltributary to abstracting and even by neglecting the major guide marks of the history of Bessarabia previous to 1918. An important part is taken by the political parties in interwar Bessarabia and the election campaigns. We consider that the six votings in Bessarabia between 1918 and 1928 do not reflect the Bessarabian inhabitants’ approval for the union act. Because of the coercitivness of the vote, they were rather a manner to accept the de facto situation, meaning the observance of the Romanian legislation and more or less active participation to the state political life.Not without basis, the anti-unionists contested the attribute of Sfatul Ţării to declare for the political future of the Republic of Moldova, and henceforth for the legal value of the act on March 27, 1918. We consider that Sfatul Ţării had no incontestable democratic feature, since it had not been elected by the vote of the whole population.This body had no international recognition, so that it could not pronounce unilaterally in the matter of the union with Romania. The Proceedings for Abolishment of the Romanian-Soviet conflict signed by A. Averescu and C. Rakovski require a serious debate among the historians. The Romanian governments denied the value of this agreement, but the reality still stands: the Romanian prime-minister did not agree to theretreat of the Romanian troops from Bessarabia in accordance with an internationallegal provisions, not even an unclear or debatable one, as the Romanian historiography has presented, this being thus an act that practically is equivalent to the indirect diplomatic recognition of the Soviet state by Romania.The second chapter of S. Suveică’s work deals with the implementation of the agrarian reform in Bessarabia. The author structures the realities and features of the agrarian reform in this province in an argued logical succession and examines the revolutionary feature of the agrarian legislation set up by Sfatul Ţării and its radical characteristic. One should note the main conclusion: the great winner of the Bessarabian agrarian reform was the Romanian state.In the last chapter, S. Suveică approaches the context of the modernization of theadministrative life in Bessarabia through the regulation and appliance of the principle of decentralization. The Romanian state did not promote an effective and consistent policy of decentralization between 1918 and 1925. By establishing the administrative decentralization through the Constitution in 1923, it actually applied centralizing methods. Asa matter of fact, the foremost target of the Romanian politics in the joined territories was not the decentralization, but the administrative unification of them, fulfilled through the simple extension of the laws and territorial-administrative establishments from the Romanian Kingdom. We consider that, as a superior form of administration, the decentralization was in fully existence in Bessarabia only in the years when the province enjoyed the state of autonomy. Unfortunately, Suveică’s work goes rapidly and evasively over this important period and summarizes the idea of Bessarabia’s autonomy to a “speculative one for the forces that opposed the Union’s consolidation”.Svetlana Suveică’s arduous approach turns to good account information less known or even ignored by the common public and the researchers. However, they need several corrections and completions. Some respects, like the Bessarabian population’sattitude regarding the union of Bessarabia with Romania or the state of mind and therelationship with the Romanian administration should be studied thoroughly along withthe Romanian historians from the both banks of Pruth river and essentially be promptlyassumed as objectively as possible by the entire Romanian society.
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The fourth Romanian Mayor of Târgu-Mureş, from a number of thirteenth that had administrated the town between the two World Wars, has detained two legislatures (1922–1926, 1934–1937), managing the town for a period of almost 7 years. In 1923, among the fourth big urban public problems that were on the agenda of the municipal administrator (mainly the introduction of the natural gas, finishing the enlargement of the electrical plant, provision of the drinking water), an important place was occupied by the project of urban planning and town’s enlargement. The approaches made by Dandea, starting with 1923, for developing a project for urban planning and town enlargement, even before issuing a law on this matter, were regarding only the general framework of a future development of the town. After the familiarization with the town’s realities, the first approach of Emil A. Dandea was to establish, in a certain order of priorities, the locations for: cemeteries, a cattle market, a country market and a weekly one, a corresponding sports arena, a hospital for patients suffering of tuberculosis, a public bath, Orthodox and the Greek-Catholic churches, for a theatre, a working colony with the purpose of developing the town’s gas network, a cinema, a hotel, a surgery sanatorium, etc. A significant preoccupation of the municipal administrator was to solve the crisis of building. After analyzing the examples from abroad, the adequate solution for solving this thing was, in his opinion, to found societies for building cheap houses, to which the municipality could contribute with 55% of the necessary capital. Therefore, the Anonymous Society, “Căminul Familiar”, was founded in Târgu-Mureş. Starting from this reality, the Mayor Emil A. Dandea had in mind to assure new allotments for houses, by preparing the built-up terrains which had remained in the property of the town or by putting together the expropriated properties, to open new streets, to reorganize some built low density area, to assure the utilities of first necessity etc. In 1929, depending on the number of chamber at 100 buildings, the municipality of Târgu-Mureş was on the 4th place at national level, having been outranked only by Bucharest, Timişoara, Constanţa, and having reached a tie with Satu Mare. Out of 7,833 building permits, released between the years 1923–1940, 3,359 (42,9%) were issued during the administration of Dandea, showing his sustained efforts in realizing a healthy building fund, fitted with all the components of urban civilization. The accomplishments of Mayor Emil A. Dandea are especially laudable as they took place in a difficult period of the Romanian economy, mainly the period of recovery after World War I and the Economic Crisis in 1929–1933.Keywords: .
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At the International Congress of Administrative Sciences, held in Paris, June 20, 1926, took part from Romania Alexandrina Cantacuzino, a member of The Communal Council of Bucharest City Hall. On her return, she submitted a report to the mayor Ion Costinescu in which she makes a detailed description of the work of the Congress and the issues discussed. From this exposure, the subjects treated were of great importance for the progress of urban administrative organization. Two issues have the attention of the audience: communal autonomy and tax collecting. Concerning the first issue, the Romanian delegate reffers to the paper of the representative of Germany, professor Norden, relating the autonomy of the German cities, and that of doctor Huart, on the progress accomplished in the communal autonomy of Netherlands. In particular, however, the delegate of Romania insists on the report of the Italian representative, Jean Aldega Valde, which included ideas entirely new about the fact that the Governor of Rome adopted for registration of the roles and the sheets, the machine called Tiparitoarea de adrese (i.e. The Address’ Printing), the system was a real innovation, which was strongly recommended by the Romanian delegate to the mayor of Bucharest. For the novelty of the issues discussed and the possibility of their implementation and administration in our cities, Alexandrina Cantacuzino presented this report, as a summary, at the Congress of the Union of Towns in Romania, that took place in Constanta, in the fall of 1927.
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In December 1922, the nationalist students from the University of Iași embarked on a series of violent acts against Jewish students. These would decisively impact the Iași academic community’s first decade of the inter-war period. A particular case in the context of the disagreements between professors about the presence of Jewish students in the university is illustrated by the Faculty of Law. Promoters of the anti-Semitic ideology were among its ranks, such as A.C. Cuza, from the university department, or the leader of the nationalist students, C.Z. Codreanu. The violent acts orchestrated by them continued every year, which led to the successive closings of Iaşi University. In this context, the Faculty of Law’s position became problematic, as it became associated with the image of a hotbed of anti-Semitic ideology. At the same time, the Faculty was asked to undertake severe measures against the students who had started disruptions in the university. In the first stage of student disruptions, the faculty professors ignored the Senate’s decisions regarding the demonstration leaders. Gradually, especially after 1924, the way in which the Iași jurists were perceived could no longer be separated from the context in which A.C. Cuza’s ideology proliferated among students. Starting with January 1925, some of the University’s faculties were reopened as a result of the tough measures taken against the repeated offenders, who were expelled. The Faculty of Law refused to enforce the expulsions pronounced by the University Senate, a means through which the professors tried to protect the faculty’s prestige. This inevitably led to the Senate’s, but also the Ministry of Education’s, dissatisfaction, who refused to respond to requests of reopening the Faculty. It had become obvious that the faculty’s fortunes would be tied to the way in which it would see fitting to position itself regarding the student riots and the ideology promoted by A. C. Cuza. Most professors believed that solving the Cuza case by sending it to court would also settle the situation the faculty was in. As this did not happen, the Iași jurists deemed the Senate’s attitude towards its own faculty premeditated. In this context, they resorted to an unusual measure: no less than six of the faculty professors submitted their resignation. The Ministry approved it, giving birth to a series of suspicions regarding the reasons behind resignation. The professors shortly backtracked on their resignations. This time, their decision was politically motivated. The whole resignation situation lasted for two years, while the various ministries only approved the return of certain professors, according to their political and institutional partisanship.
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Fascist activists who came to be associated with Romania’s Legion of the Archangel Michael planned and built a Cămin Cultural Creştin (Christian Cultural Centre) in the city of Iaşi between 1924 and 1928. The building became central to the movement’s activities in the city throughout the interwar period and provided a place where legionaries could meet, relax, work, and socialize. It also became a site of contention between legionaries and their opponents, including followers of A. C. Cuza and various groups of Romanian policemen. This article draws on approaches from the history of everyday life (Alltagsgeschichte) to show how conflict and conviviality shaped the lives of legionaries within this one building. It emphasizes the importance of geographical space for social movements, the way that practical projects shaped, articulated, and embodied legionary ideology, and how violent contests over territory divide activists and consolidate the new groups that are formed
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Book illustration as a specific source of the 20th century art studies is recognized in Lithuanian art history, although such works of graphic art as posters, advertisings, periodicals and book design are still considered as second rank art works. As a consequence, this part of graphic art heritage is not yet regarded as a full-value source for art history.The role of several Lithuanian artists of the 1920s and 1930s is discussed by analysing the work in book design and illustration. The work of Telesforas Kulakauskas deserves particular interest. Works of Jonas Juozas Burba and Jonas Steponavičius whose names are hardly known to art-lovers are highlighted as benchmarks of the new esthetical standards and tendencies. In this way it becomes evident that a more detailed analysis of graphic design could contribute to and upgrade considerations regarding the character of Lithuanian interwar artistic culture, ways of modernisation of art and everyday life, as well as the spread of Neoclassicism and Regionalism.Based on not yet analysed and non-catalogued works of the above-mentioned authors, involvement of a new group of artefacts into discourse of art history is shown to allow a specified and updated approach to history of modern style. On the one hand, in book and journal design avantgarde manifested itself in the most radical way. On the other hand, the turn to Neoclassicism and Regionalism in the early 1930s is obvious in this field.Applied graphic art commissions are shown to be a valuable source of information on the relations between the artist and the customer. The study offers also a series of new arguments regarding the artists’ social and professional status in interwar Lithuania.
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It has generally been known that Gheorghe Ieremia (1868-1951), the father of Mircea Eliade (1907-1986), the renowned writer and scholar, changed his name to Gheorghe Eliade in 1899. The paper publishes the original documents officially ratifying the Eliade name change and describes their contents. Secondly, the paper discusses the name change issue as such, something unusual enough at the time that it required a lengthy process culminating in a formal approval at the top of the government, the Council of Ministers.The usual reason given for the change is Ieremia's respect and admiration for Ion Heliade Rădulescu, the 19th century political and cultural leader. However, the documentation for this is weak: Mircea Eliade's recollections from half a century later. Eliade fils is also the sole source of the idea that Ieremia was a pejorative name unsuited for a career military man. A simpler explanation, but also hypothetical, is that the name was derived from Ieremia's father's name: Ilie.Another speculation, which by its nature is difficult to document, was that Ieremia wanted to blur his Moldovan peasant origins as he climbed the military and social ladder and made good in the more sophisticated and competitive environment of the Romanian capital. Social aspiration is not necessarily perverse and there is abundant evidence that Gheorghe Eliade and his wife not only saw themselves as ascending in society, but harbored the usual parental hopes that their children would advance even further. there is a further hint that all of this might be related to generational conflicts, which are also not unusual, but are mostly conjectural.The article concludes by pointing out a number of unresolved questions related to this name change and suggesting some research problems for the future. These include trying to find the original petition for the name change and ascertaining what rationale, if any, is given there for the change; more on the origins of Gheorghe Eliade's wife, who was probably of Oltenian peasant origins, but was part of a fairly wealthy București family when she and her husband married; and a fuller account of Gheorghe Eliade's activities in 1907, the year Mircea was born and the year of the last great peasant uprising in 20th century Europe.
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The present study aims at reconstructing the activity of the socila-political organization named Odessa Committee for Saving Bessarabia, and evaluating its role it in the context of the changing political status of the region of Bessarabia in the immediate period after World War One. The political, as well economic and social transformations were percieved by the inhabitants of the region in a different way. The former regional elite, which was loyal to the Russian empire, engaged in designing an alternative scenario to that of the nation-state perspective, with the aim of returning Bessarabia back to Russia. Created in April 1918 by the Bessarabians who immediately after the union of Bessarabia wih Romania left the region for Odessa, the Committee mandated a Bessarabian „delegation”, led by Alexandr N. Krupenskii, to Paris, where the Peace conference took place. The goal of the „delegation” was to work hand in hand with Russian political emigrés and diplomats, in order to inform the Great powers as well the European public on the „will” of the Bessarabians to be „liberated” from Romania and reunite with Russia. Besides informing the Bessarabian „delegation” on the state of affairs in the region and gathering facts about the abuse of the Romanian public servants, the Committee acted in order to incite the anti-Romanian spirit inside the region and propagate against the new regime. The former public servants were thus encouraged to refuse service within the new administration, which was viewed as a temporary one; Bessarabia was expected to become again part of „Mother-Russia”.
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The article examines the development of Lithuanian theatre criticism of the 1920s and 30s. The reader is presented with an outline of reviews appearing in periodicals back in these days, on plays that were important to the development of Lithuanian directing: L. Pirandello’s Comme çi (ou commme ça) (1928, directed by B. Dauguvietis), V. Krėvė’s Šarūnas (1929, dir. A. Oleka-Žilinskas), W. Shakespeare’s Hamlet (1932) and Twelfth Night (1933, both dir. by M. Chekhov), E. O’Neill’s Marco Millions (1938, dir. A. Jakševičius) and G. Hauptmann’s Before Sunrise (1939, dir. R. Juknevičius). Before the 1920s most play reviewers were unable to evaluate the concepts and singularities of acting in the way that they were presented by the play’s director, or to discuss the scenography and music as components of a single contexture. In the years 1929–1935, significant plays directed by A. Oleka-Žilinskas and M. Chekhov were put on stage. The directors’ thoughts on the directional conceptions of theatre productions and B. Sruoga’s activities influenced theatre criticism. In the late 1930s most of the students who took part in B. Sruoga Theatre Seminars were able to analyze the main components of a play in a professional manner. Stage work was evaluated using aesthetic rather than ideological criteria.
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The present article deals with the scientific and political configuration of Criminal Law in Greater Romania, by focusing on three Criminal code projects (1928, 1933, 1934), together with the theoretical explanations that come along and political motivations that surface the penal discourse. Although Romania was victorious in the Great War, many analysts considered that the country was not yet “safe”, as further enemies were to be fought. The Criminal domain proves extremely important in the national venture of defense: the Criminal Code projects made in the epoch show a vivid preoccupation for “defending the society” (Foucault) from its internal enemies. I argue that the turbulent post-World War One social and political context and the success of the positivism-inspired Criminal law in interwar Europe, assumed explicitly or implicitly by the institutional actors involved, trigger significant changes in the Criminal law of interwar Romania. These changes, were part of a larger process of “somatization” (Cooter) that marks the modern culture and illustrate the process of medicalization of the Criminal law in Greater Romania.
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The Munich Agreement ended the illusions nourished by Romanian decision-making circles referring to the efficiency of the collective security system and proved that the main powers of Versailles system – United Kingdom and France – were no longer a guarantee for the territorial integrity of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe threatened by aggressive revisionist policy of Germany, Italy or Hungary. Therefore, Romania had to adapt on the move to new realities resulting from the Munich Agreement that approved political and economic hegemony of the Third Reich in Central and South-East Europe. In this background should be placed the efforts of Romanian diplomacy on the issue of Carpathian Ukraine to prevent the annexation of this territory to Hungary. The reasons that determined Romanian political leadership to oppose the incorporation of Carpathian Ukraine in Hungary were economic, political and military. First of all the Romanian Government wanted to maintain direct communication to Czechoslovakia and, implicitly, Germany. Secondly, Bucharest had a justified fear that the territorial claims raised by Hungary to the Carpathian Ukraine would have been a catalyst for the Hungarian revisionist policy towards Romania. Finally, joining Carpathian Ukraine to Hungary would have considerably increased the length of the Romanian-Hungarian border, while weakening the defensive capacity of Romania to its western border. Furthermore, all these arguments were presented during the talks held by Romanian politicians and diplomats to decision-making circles in Poland and Germany aiming to prevent annexation of Carpathian Ukraine to Hungary.
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The article discusses the role of members of the Orthodox clergy in the Legionary Movement and the Cuzist parties (League of National-Christian Defence and National-Christian Party). It argues that despite a massive support for extreme right movements and parties, Romania did not develop a “clerical fascism”. Although cca one fourth of the Orthodox priests joined or supported far right movements, they were clearly underrepresented in higher party echelons.
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This article opens with the arguments supporting the marginality of the object under research, i.e. the portraits of Lithuanian politicians produced in the interwar years. At the same time, it is shown that the analysis of these artworks allows establishing certain typical traits of the Lithuanian official style of the interwar period.On the basis of the most typical examples, it is demonstrated how the portraits of politicians were interpreted and what means of expression were adopted by the artists.The article shows that in the 1920s portraiture was dominated by the neo-romantic approach, which had its roots in the national rebirth movement of the early 20th century. It further reveals the anachronicity and naivety of the neo-romantic symbolism that became apparent in the artistic life of the 1920s. The article concludes that due to their idealistic nature and intimacy the neo-romantic portraits of politicians did not suit representative purposes. Meanwhile, with the growing strength of the state, the representation motives were gaining increasing importance and forming the need of official portrait.The art of the 1930s exhibited a variety and abundance of politicians' portraits. At that time, a number of symbolically neutral realistic portraits and modern pieces were produced. Neo-academist examples served representation purposes. In specific cases, certain manifestations of personality cult became apparent. However, at the same time the portraits of Lithuanian politicians displayed a variety of styles. The dominance of neo-traditional features in the official style was determined largely by the general requirements of monumentality as well as by the tendencies in European art, as the top state officials did not have any specific aesthetic preferences.
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This article discusses manifestations of national mass culture that were inspired by the national politics of the young state. On the basis of archival material and periodical publications of the 1920-30s, attempt is made to expose various manifestations of the national movement and to determine their roots and characteristics of spread. The aspects that have left the deepest mark on Lithuanian culture are chosen for analysis. Much attention is devoted to the fashion of wearing the national costume, which stimulated the rise of folk crafts, and to the reborn interest in national dance, national foods, and national-style handwork. Furthermore, the article provides an account of the encouragement of artistic activity among the scouts and rural youth grouped into Circles of the Young Farmers, and considers the issues of consistent romantization of the state's past and introduction of the cult of national heroes, which were viewed as subjects promoting patriotic feelings.The conclusion is made that the national movement engaged various groups of society and developed the stereotypes of the 'own' culture within the consciousness of the people. The civic consciousness of the citizens of the Republic of Lithuania manifested itself during important historical moments (e.g., when the country was represented at world exhibitions ordinary citizens could express their opinion about them). The author holds the view that today it is important to be aware of the efforts made in the interwar years by public figures to return the national peculiarities to the culture of that time and to revalue them.
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Jewish settlment in the Kielce region began to a greater extent at the end of the 17th century. In the 19th and 20th centimes the number of Jews in the region rapidly grew and an economic expansion of the Jewish community took place. At the brink of Polish independence and in the years that followed, the economic plane remained the basic field of Polish-Jewish relations. Competition in that field often caused tensions and, sometimes, generated open conflict. Other aspects of life, such as socializing, social and cultural activity were lead separately. The both communities lead their lives in voluntary isolation, which was being cemented by the two different systems of beliefs (Christianity and Judaism), as well as by a hundreds of years of tradition.In the period of the Second Polish Republic in the Kielce region, two waves of worsening of the Polish-Jewish relations could be observed. The first one took place during the period of setting the framework for the independent Polish state in the years 1918-1921. At that time the national aspirations of the Poles and Jews collided. The Jews aimed at achieving a wider autonomy in Poland (as well as in East-Central Europe generally), must have been met with a counter action on the Polish part, which aimed (or at least some of its political movements) at strengthening and consolidating the state. Some role in the outburst of social unrest was certainly also played by the attitude of some Jews (mostly the Communist followers), as well as by the difficult material situation of the people. Some more significant anti-Jewish disturbances were recorded in some towns such as Częstochowa, Wolbrom or Olkusz.The second wave of social unrest, far more intensive than the first one, took place in the mid 1930s. The ground for these tensions was provided by the economic crisis, which resulted in an increased competition between Polish and Jewish enterpriseand increasingly difficult material standing of the people. Additionally, national movements on both sides had developed (the National Camp and Zionism). In the years 1935-1937 there have been disturbances of an anti-Jewish background. The most well- known oftheose remain the disturbances in Odrzywół (1935), Truskolasy (1935), and Przytyk (1936). In the years 1935-1939 there have been 277 assaults on Jews, during which 388 people were beaten up, 232 homes were devastated (to a greater or lesser extent) and over 6000 windows were broken. Although the relations, especially in the times of increased tensions, had not always been perfect, the Jewish citizens enjoyed a lot of freedom, which is indicated by the lush development of social and cultural life of the Jewish community in the Kielce region. Dozens of magazines were being published, 19 ofwhich were written in Yiddish; 217 Jewish associations were active,numerous Cheiders and yeshivot and Jewish high schools, as well as theatres, libraries and sports clubs were open.
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Count István Bethlen was one of the most outstanding Hungarian politicians in the 20th century. From the moment he was elected to Parliament in 1901 until the end of WW II, “making politics” was an integral part of his life. Between 1901 and 1918 he was a regional politician with peculiarly Transylvanian traits, from 1921 to 1931 he was Prime Minister of Hungary; and subsequently, until 1944, the leading representative of the anti-Nazi and pro-Western political orientation. At the end of 1944 he was captured and in 1945 transported by the Russians to Moscow where he died in 1946. Ignác Romsics, who is the author of the first comprehensive and authoritative biography on Bethlen, deals in his essay with an aspect of the politician’s private life: his liaisons of love. Although he is very sceptical about the gossip according to which the young Bethlen had an illegitimate child before his marriage of 1901, he does confirm that from the late 1920s the politician really had a sweetheart: Countess Andor Pál Széchenyi born Baroness Mária Szegedy-Ensch. In spite of their long lasting and known attachment Bethlen did not divorce. After some years his wife, Countess Margit Bethlen accepted the situation and she also found a companion. The article is concluded by citations from Bethlen's letters sent to his lover from the Russian house arrest.
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The author points out interesting data pertaining to the office of executioner in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians, and other European states. As state executioner had been retired, Egidij Fuks applied to be elected to the office of executioner who will carry death sentences in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians. The text offers insight in the motives and circumstances of his application, as well as the context in which the new executioner has been elected.
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