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The article analyses the activity of Valdemaras Vytautas Čarneckis (1893–1942), Minister of Foreign Affairs who sought to resolve the issues of the Lithuanian foreign affairs policy in 1924–1925.
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The article sets out to investigate the training of teachers for Jewish elementary schools in Lithuania between 1919 and 1940. It analyses the training of teachers for the schools of three educational trends, which were established by the Zionist education society Tarbut, the religious society Yavne and the Jewish Cultural League. The article reveals the development of teacher training from summer courses to long-term courses for teachers and the seminary.
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The article sets out to investigate the teaching of the official Lithuanian language in Jewish gymnasiums and progymnasiums in Lithuania between 1919 and 1940. It analyses the decisions of the Ministry of Education establishing the requirement for the pupils in non- Lithuanian schools to learn the official Lithuanian language. The article also specifies the requirements of the official language that were applied to teachers at that time. It reviews the results and evaluations of inspections focusing on the knowledge of the Lithuanian language of Jewish pupils which were carried out by the individuals authorised by the Ministry of Education. They reveal that the opinion was often expressed that Jewish pupils were not sufficiently fluent in the official Lithuanian language. It is analysed what measures were applied in the abovementioned schools to improve the teaching of Lithuanian during classes and after-school activities.
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In this article sociocultural lituanization in gymnasiums of national minorities in Kaunas in 1926–1940 is analysed as well as teaching (learning) of subjects of Lithuanian language and literature, History of Lithuania and its results are discussed. The attitude of gymnasiums’ communities for the lithuanization of the pupils is evaluated. The study found that in 1926–1940 the pupils’ skills of the Lithuanian language and literature and the History of Lithuania improved, but the desired level of Ministry of Education wasn’t reached. Jewish and Russian gymnasiums were more favorable for the lithuanization; however, Polish and German gymnasiums were less favorable.
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The article analyses the issue of the Lithuanian Riflemen’s Union in the public space of the Klaipėda region in 1923–1926, based on the periodicals “Klaipėdos sargas” and “Klaipėdos garsas” published by the Riflemen’s Union in Klaipėda. Qualitative analysis of the content distinguishes three main problematic issues: the attitude of the riflemen towards the Lithuanianness of the country, Germanism and religion. The Lithuanian Riflemen’s Union was one of the key support organizations that had to implement Lithuania’s integration policy in the Klaipėda region, therefore the analysis of the above aspects in the press allows revealing of the Riflemen’s Union’s reflections and perceptions in the Klaipėda region’s public space.
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Based on a rich database of sources (memories and documents stored in the Central State Archive of Lithuania), the article analyses the activities of the Lithuanian Riflemen’s Union in the Vilnius region regained in October 1939. The main attention is paid to the XXIII Vilnius Riflemen’s Territorial Unit operating in Vilnius County, which was tasked with riflemenising the Lithuanian capital and surrounding territories. The study clarifies the periodisation of riflemen activity in Vilnius, analyses in detail the process of team formation in 1939–1940, examines the tasks set for riflemen and their implementation in the regained land.
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The article, based on unpublished archival documents from the Lithuanian Riflemen’s Union and the Lithuanian armed forces repositories, and recent historiographic publications, deals with the challenges faced by Lithuania and the Lithuanian Riflemen’s Union, and their military plans on the eve of the Second World War. The Soviet authorities in Lithuania were concerned with disarming the riflemen as quickly as possible, seeing them as a force capable of putting up politically undesirable resistance. The article analyses the liquidation of the Lithuanian Riflemen’s Union after the Soviet occupation in 1940, discusses the issues of seizure of property of the Lithuanian Riflemen’s Union and seizure of armaments from the Riflemen’s units.
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At various times in this department of history of state, law, political and legal doctrines worked many famous historians of law – professors, doctors of law, associate professors, honorary member of the European Academies of Sciences and others. Mostly of them now almost all forgotten. So this writer is willing to return from oblivion the identity of one of these lecturers of the department – Alexander Nadraga. He was born in 1885, graduated from high school in Lviv, and in 1909 – Law Faculty of Lviv University. Alexander Nadraha worked as a lawyer, defended his dissertation and passed the exams received a scientific degree of doctor of law. As professor from 1909 he began teaching Roman law in Ukrainian secret university in Lviv, and from 1939 – Civil and Roman law in the Greek Catholic Theological Academy. Alexander Nadraha was a member of the Taras Shevchenko Scientific Society of Lviv, one of the founders of the Ukrainian Union of Advocates in Poland, co-editor of magazine “Life and Law”. When in Lviv in October 1939 opened Ukrainian Soviet university and, among others, the department of the history of state and law, Alexander Nadraha was invited to teach Roman law, taking the post of acting Professor. He prepared a manual on this subject, and a manual on civil law (as co-autor).
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Independence by Poland in 1918 was associated with the need to adapt various legal systems in force within the borders of the reborn state. The Polish authorities faced the challenge of defining the state’s political framework and the scope of competences of its supreme organs. Among many authors dealing with constitutional law, Stanisław Starzyński, a lawyer – constitutionalist and politician, deserves attention. He wrote about the genesis and concept of law, functions of the state and the scope of state power. As an expert and analyst, he spoke about draft normative acts and legal acts that came into force. He had a critical attitude to the March Constitution, because by granting excessive powers to the Sejm, it led to an imbalance of power. For this reason, he formulated his own draft constitution, which was a correction to March Constitution. S. Starzyński was also skeptical about the April Constitution, the way it was implemented and provisions that did not guarantee the protection of individual rights and the control of state organs.
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This study looks at a new perspective of anti-Semitism during the interwar period, based on the rich source of information provided by Wilhelm Filderman’s Diary. The study reveals the causes of the rise of anti-Semitism at the time: the new state that was formed after 1918 was imposed the political culture of the Old Kingdom; the ”sacredness” of the nation-state as a form of government and the diffusion of xenophobia across the political spectrum. The article draws attention to the particular features of Romanian anti-Semitism at the time, namely the primacy of physical violence. Thus, given its large-scale in space and time, one can refer to a permanent pogrom ambiance in interwar Romania. In the case of Greater Romania, its 20 years of existence could not lead to a cultural, political and social integration of the different regions, but anti-Semitism was one of the few elements of fusion that implicitly helped create a national Romanian identity.
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This article deals with photographic legacy of Herbert Seligmann (1891-1984). Between 1936-1938 the photographer worked as the Publicity Director of the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee and he had an opportunity to observe Jewish life in the countries of Eastern Europe where JDC functioned at that time. Following his papers dispersed in JDC Archives and in the Manuscript Division of the New York Public Library we were able to reconstruct his journey through Eastern Europe. JDC Archives is proud to present today, after 80 years from the date of the first publication, Seligmann’s images taken in Romania, mostly unknown for general public.
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This article analyses the wider context of policy conflict concerning public memory of the 1989 events. It uses Pierre Nora’s concept of lieux de mémoire in trying to explain why 23 August 1939 has been turned into a European Remembrance Day whereas 9 November 1989 has not. By investigating closely the role that various memory actors played during debates at the European level, it advances the idea that the anniversary of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact has been more successful in establishing itself within the European remembrance landscape because it has allowed for the promotion of a unifying narrative of the European past. In doing so, the article questions the frequently advanced idea that memory clashes in the EU form around an East–West divide that in some cases overlaps with a Right–Left divide. The analysis digs deep into the complex dynamics lying at the heart of memory contests concerning the end of the Cold War within the EU and provides a more differentiated view of discussions preceding EU decisions on policies of memory.
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Using the little-known BBC Monitoring Service (BBCM) archives, this article shows how Romanian governments in the period 1938–1948 chose to represent themselves via the medium of radio to the rest of the world. After introducing the BBCM and discussing the problems of using such Open Source Intelligence (OSINT) material, the article shows how four key aspects of Romanian history were presented by the Romanian authorities at this time: the wartime expropriation of Jews prior to their planned deportation; Romania’s changing of sides in the war as of 23 August 1944; the return of Jewish deportees after the war; and the communist governments’ changing attitudes towards Palestine/Israel and Jewish emigration. The article suggests that these sources are highly revealing but that they need to be used with considerable caution when trying to understand the tumultuous events of wartime Romanian history.
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The town of Vulturu is located in the Casimcei plateau, on the valley of the Cartal river. The cartal, the main tributary of the Casimcea River, on its right side, has a surface area of 128 square km and a length of 15 km. Multiannual average flows are small compared to the size of the reception basin surfaces. The soils are of the chernozem category, very common soil types in the Dobrogea region and quite fertile. Vulturu commune is situated at an altitude of 114 meters above sea level. The commune is certified documentary since 1854. A map from 1861, Dobrogea-Bugeac, shows that the name of the locality was written Kartal, and after 1879 was written Cartal. In 1850, Ion Ionescu mentions a devastated Kartal village. Kartal kaza Hârșova appears in Turkish documents from the backdrops issued between 1864-1877. After the war of independence, Cartal, then the Vulture, in 1929, was part of the Hârșova region.
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The union of Dobruja and Romania of November 23 1878 marked for Constanta the restoration of the Romanian administration after the Ottoman authorities had departed. On the basis the administration and division regulation, the Communal Council was instated alongside the mayor chancellery. This is when, on December 14 1878, it debated the formation of auxiliary services of the Town Hall, among them the firefighter department.
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The article depicts what are the main causes and effect that the modernization process had upon traditional culture in Basarabia. With the mechanization of the agricultural inventory, there seems to be a change in the system of values of the peasant. Because his basic occupation was agriculture, the modernization of the working tools had a big impact. First of all, having more sparing time and more finances, people will value more their comfort to the detriment of the traditional methods of working. Thus, country households suffered many changes regarding furniture, interior design, clothing, musical repertoire, etc. This is society’s natural evolution, but they still lost a lot regarding what we nowadays call tradition and traditional.
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On 30 December 1922, Eligiusz Niewiadomski, the murderer of Poland’s first president, Gabriel Narutowicz, was tried and sentenced to death. The execution was duly carried out on 31 January 1923. The trial of Niewiadomski was one of the most important and galvanizing judicial proceedings in the history of the Second Republic. According to the historiography, Niewiadomski was universally perceived as a “lunatic” or “madman” and his actions were a political setback and embarrassment for the Polish radical right. During the trial, Niewiadomski evinced no contrition for his crime and claimed that his deed was the expression of “the conscience and offended dignity of the nation.” In this article, I will present the argument that shortly after his trial, the right wing publicists’ and politicians’ judgment of Niewiadomski underwent a profound transformation. Far from being condemned as a “madman” or “murderer,” Niewiadomski assumed the position of a “tragic hero” who may have broken the letter of the law but who had done so in the name of just principles, which deserved recognition and approval. The pivotal event in this transformation was the rabidly anti-Semitic speech delivered by Niewiadomski during his trial. The paper analyzes the coverage of the trial and execution in the press in order to arrive at an understanding of precisely how the Polish right was able to reclaim Niewiadomski as one of its own so quickly despite his grave crime. It also analyzes the meaning of this transformation and its significance for understanding the nationalist right in Poland and, more broadly, interwar Polish politics as a whole.
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Medem Sanatorium in Miedzeszyn was one of the most famous establishments of TSYSHO, the Central Yiddish School Organization, in interwar Poland. Although not officially associated with the Bund, it unofficially promoted Bundist ideals through its teaching staff. This article aims to examine the educational methods of Medem Sanatorium in Miedzeszyn. Medem served as a central space for Bundist ideology, attracting such figures as Polish radical socialist Wanda Wasilewska, and hosting, among others, a young Marek Edelman, the future leader of the Warsaw ghetto uprising. Showing the activities and struggles of the institution the author touches different problems of the Polish interwar period: the entanglement of Bundist ideology, everyday life, religious practices, and, last but not least, politics towards Yiddish. Ultimately, the author underlines that the Medem Sanatorium was a part of a broader action concentrated on creating a new secular Jewish culture.
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Today the Eurozone faces financial and economic problems that, if left untended, threaten the fate of the EU itself. Several paths lay open to European leaders: deeper integration, more piecemeal crisis resolution, or a possible exit from the Euro of one or more countries. Yet there are few historical examples of a currency union break-up that we can use to understand implications of the third option. This essay draws lessons from the collapse of the Habsburg Empire after World War I—the best historical case study of a disintegrating currency union—for the Eurozone. The creation of new national currencies in Central Europe in the 1920s came at a very high cost, took years to stabilize, involved extensive international monitoring, created great risks for Europe’s multinational banking enterprises, and helped create the conditions for economic instability in the 1930s. European leaders could expect similar challenges to arise were Greece, Portugal, or Spain to exit the Eurozone today. One crucial factor absent in the 1920s, and still absent today, was and is a robust European-wide financial regulatory system. Ultimately, the Habsburg case study suggests that the economic costs of preserving the Euro and creating such a banking system would be much lower than those arising from allowing one or more countries to leave the currency union.
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