Les Forces Politiques Durant Les Annees De L'Occupation Fasciste Et Leur Attitude Vis-A-Vis De La Lutte De La Liberation Nationale

Author(s): Xhelal Gjeçovi / Language(s): French Issue: 01/2001

With the fascist occupation there was felt more than ever the need for a patriotic organization, which would lead to the national struggle of the Albanian people for national liberation. This important task could not be accomplished by the Zogist regime, which, although it did not follow Zog into exile but remained in Albania, quickly became part of the occupation regime by penetrating even into its structures.

A Ganz–Jendrassik dízel motorkocsik Argentínában

Author(s): Mária Hidvégi / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 4/2014

The Ganz factory contributed to the development of the technology of transport infrastructure through product innovations and systems innovations such as two new systems for railway electrification and the motorization of the railways with diesel rail cars. The latter offered a viable solution to the problem of making passenger transport profitable in scarcely populated regions, especially where public and private finances were insufficient for the modernization of steam traction, railway electrification or a shift to road transport. Ganz & Co. started to accumulate expert knowledge about the introduction of diesel rail cars in different countries, assessing traffic needs, developing cars adjusted to specific needs, and organizing rail car maintenance. The transnational organizational infrastructure necessary for a company from a small and impoverished country for global business was being built up in form of a license and cartel agreement with well-established British engineering companies, too. The drive of pre-WWII Argentina for industrialization and loosening ties to the former colonizer made this country an ideal stepping stone for marketing the cars in other scarcely populated countries with challenging climate and geographical conditions. However, the paper reveals that internal management problems had already jeopardized these plans before WWII frustrated the ambitions of Ganz & Co once and for all.

Consecințele economice și politice ale împrumuturilor de stat contractate de România în anii crizei economice de suprapoducție (1929-1933)

Author(s): Elena Istrățescu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 2/1975

The paper presents the main economic and political consequences of government borrowing during national-peasant governments

Unele aspecte privind lupta clasei muncitoare din București în anii 1934-1936

Author(s): Petre Dache / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 2/1975

Propaganda paper about some aspects of the struggle of the working class in Bucharest in the years 1934-1936

Z archivu liberecké státní policie. Předvolební kampaň Sudetoněmecké strany v květnu 1938

Author(s): Jiří Plachý / Language(s): Czech Issue: 01/2018

The article contains many photos from the election campaign in Sudeten in the year 1938.

Societăţi culturale şi activităţi cooperatiste din ţinutul Bârgăului în perioada interbelică

Author(s): Alin Constantin Miheștian / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 04/2018

The intellectuals of Nasaud and Bistrita in the upper basin of Someşul Mare, in the valleys of Rodna, Bârgău and Şieu, were primarily teachers, priests, lawyers, doctors, officials, but also many country- men with practical life experience and wisdom. They used to meet on various occasions to debate the ideas from the political programs of national emancipation, with the specific objective: to raise the whole Romanian people from Transylvania to the dignity of an equal political nation in rights with the other political nations in Transylvania, Hungarians, Szeklers and Saxons, and not toler- ated only in their own country. Cultural societies, meetings and gatherings, reading houses, during the Austro-Hungarian rule, were centers of education and crystallization of national consciousness. The study analyzes the activity of cultural societies and cooperative meetings in Bârgău county during the interwar period.

Két választás Csehszlovákiában

Author(s): Attila Godzsák / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 4/2019

Popély Árpád:Két választás Csehszlovákiában.A szlovák országgyűlés és a kárpátukrán szojm megválasztása 1938-1939. Pozsony, Kalligram, 2019, 260 p.

A rebellis kálvinista. Méliusz József az Erdélyi Fiatalok között (1930–33)

Author(s): Miklós Csapody / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 02/2020

Az 1921. évi agrárreform: jogi kérdések a korabeli sajtóban

Author(s): Gabriella Eleonóra Bonyhai,István Valdman / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 03/2020

Związki nuncjusza Achille Rattiego z Kościołem łódzkim

Author(s): Stanisław Wilk / Language(s): Polish Issue: 4/2019

This article, based on archival sources, presents nuncio Achille Ratti, a future pope Pius XI, and his activity in Poland and in Łódź. His activity took place in a difficult period of the First World War during important systemic changes. In December 1920 the decision was made about the inception of the diocese of Łódź. Achille Ratti contributed to it and is known as the “Polish Pope”.

Eroii–conceptualizare, legiferare şi instituţionalizare în România interbelică

Author(s): Victor-Tudor Rosu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 12-13/2008

Studiul următor urmăreşte construirea conceptului de “eroism”, reflectat în discursul oficial şi legislativ din următorii ani de după Primul Război Mondial în România. Se analizează complexitatea politicii guvernamentale şi aşteptările, determinând standardele cerute pentru o recunoaştere oficială a eroismului. De-a lungul său, studiul relevă mai multe despre conţinutul romantic şi pragmatic al conceptului, iar apoi discută problemele legate de legislaţie şi instituţionalizare, şi specificitatea în interpretarea românească, datorită evoluţiei şi deznodământului războiului, când România a fost victorioasă. În cele din urmă, rezultatul războiului a făcut posibilă Unirea teritoriilor româneşti, ceea ce a transformat soldaţii implicaţi în război în „eroi ai unirii”. În timp ce noile teritorii, împreună cu cetăţenii lor, au fost parte a taberei duşmane, discursul a fost nevoit să se adapteze acestei situaţii. Prin urmare, conceptul a devenit foarte captivant şi extins, însă atent, discret asupra acelora care merită să fie numiţi „eroi”.

„Romániának oda kell adni Erdélyt”. A magyar–román határ kijelölése a békekonferencián

Author(s): Béni L. Balogh / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 05/2020

The end of the First World War found Romania at the side of the winners, while Hungary was at the side of the losers. At the end of 1918, early 1919, the Allied powers recognized Romania as their ally, which also decided the fate of Transylvania. A debate emerged at the Peace Conference about the precise delineation of the border, i.e. regarding the assessment of the inordinate territorial claims of the Romanian party. First of all, it had to be decided to what extent the ethnic principle was to be applied and what the role of strategic, economic and transportation aspects should be. These issues were at the forefront of Romanian-Yugoslavian territorial committee’s meetings in February and March 1919. The American delegation had the most favorable position toward the Hungarians, recommending the easternmost border, while the French proposed the westernmost alternative. The British have put forward an intermediary solution, while the Italians did not clarify their position. The territorial committee established the new Hungarian-Romanian border on 18 March 1919, followed by the Council of Four on 12 June 1919. Their solution was adopted by the Treaty of Trianon, signed on 4 June 1920. The new border was somewhat less favorable from the Romanian and slightly more advantageous from the Hungarian perspective, compared to the provisions of the secret Bucharest treaty from 1916. Romania received 83.8 thousand square kilometers of the demanded 93.2 thousand square kilometers of land in Transylvania and in the Partium region, amounting to 10% (almost 10 thousand square kilometers) less than it demanded. Romania also received, in addition, two thirds of the Banat (19.7 thousand square kilometers), in total 103 thousand square kilometers from the territories of historical Hungary. According to the data of the 1910 Hungarian population census, these areas were inhabited by 5 million 257 thousand people, 31.6% (1.6 million) of them Hungarian speakers.

A magyar–jugoszláv határ megvonása

Author(s): Árpád Hornyák / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 05/2020

The South Slavic peace delegation allegedly wanted the major powers to accept the northern borders of the newly created state based on ethnic principles. However, the delegation effectively supported these claims with strategic and economic, and sometimes historical, arguments. The Yugoslav government’s position and methods regarding the northern border changed multiple times due to the changes in the political situation of the great powers and in the situation of Hungary. Belgrade’s attitude toward Hungary at the peace conference was basically determined by the fact that, at the beginning of 1919, its territorial claims against Hungary were essentially mere corrections to the demarcation line established at the Belgrade Convention. The fact that, by then, the South Slavic state was effectively already in possession of the territories it wanted to attain, also carried significant importance. Thus, they only expected the sanctioning of the situation from the Peace Conference.

Az osztrák–magyar határ és a nyugat-magyarországi kérdés

Author(s): Imre Tóth / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 05/2020

Although German-Austria, established in November 1918, announced its claim on the western territory of Hungary, inhabited by a German-speaking majority, the issue of changing the 1867 AustroHungarian border was not originally on the agenda of the peace negotiations. The Austrian peace delegation announced its claim on this territory in May 1919, already known for the representatives of the great powers on the basis of their on-site inquiries. The winners of the war primarily wanted to preclude the Austro-German unification and the plan of the corridor as urged by the Czech, by accepting the Austrian claims, and consequently some western Hungarian counties (Vas, Sopron and Moson) were transferred to Austria. This decision, justifiable on an ethnic basis, was also supported by the fact that the Austrian delegation skillfully alluded to the threat of bolshevism and to the dangers stemming from the “nonviability” of an autonomous Austria. The Peace Treaty of Saint-Germain gave birth to the youngest Austrian province, Burgenland. However, this province was under Hungarian rule, and the Austrian state could thus not take possession of it. Hungarian public opinion was shocked that the peace treaty imposed this land transfer to their former partner country, and the Hungarian government was only willing to give up on Western Hungary at the cost of territorial concessions. In order to elicit these concessions, it was willing to secretly support the armed movements emerging in the region, along with the recourse to diplomatic means. Its weakness, lack of perspective, and the intent of restoring its international relationships and the Austro-Hungarian relations determined the Austrian government to cut a deal and to abandon its claims to Sopron, the most important city of the region. Based on the protocol signed in Venice on 13 October 1921, the decision was confirmed by referendum held in the city and throughout its surroundings in December 1921, a few months after which the pacification of the region could be concluded.

A párizsi magyar békedelegáció törekvései – különös tekintettel Erdélyre

Author(s): Miklós Zeidler / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 05/2020

Already before the surrender, in October 1918, several Hungarian geographers and statisticians recommended the compilation of a scientific material suitable for representing Hungarian interests at the future peace conference. This work was conducted until the end of 1919 in Budapest, with a few months’ interruption during the council government period. Then, in January 1920, a special delegation led by Albert Apponyi was sent to the Paris Peace Conference. The delegation submitted the socalled preliminary record already during the same month, followed by the response records in February and March, as a reflection upon the peace conditions set out by the winners. This documentation contained detailed studies, maps and statistical data related to Hungary’s history, geography, climate, natural resources, political regime, national economy, traffic routes, religious affiliations, the geographical situation of the various nationalities, social integration, its legal, political, economic and cultural situation, from a perspective that represented historical Hungary as an ideal state. By the presentation of this enormous material, the delegation wanted to put forward arguments against the planned dismemberment of Hungary, and proposed the referendum and the intact preservation of the territories ethnically and economically most strongly connected to Hungary as an alternative solution. Although the peace delegation did not expect for quick results, it still hoped that its arguments will have an impact on the leading powers, providing a basis for later territorial revision. To this end, immediately after the Peace Conference, a four-volume work containing the Hungarian submissions was published in Hungarian, French and English.

A magyar külpolitika útkeresése, 1919–1923

Author(s): Gergely Romsics / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 05/2020

Hungarian foreign policy between August 1919 and 1923 was characterized by the search for an overarching strategy. All attempts at diplomatic maneuvering in this period were hampered by the lack of prestige and power: Budapest was attempting to realize territorial, defense and economic goals, as well as to ensure the rights of Hungarian minorities across the new borders, largely against the interests of neighboring states supported by the victorious great powers. The series of attempts to break out of isolation began with Romanian-Hungarian negotiations aimed at establishing an alliance under Italian supervision. Soon after, plans of a British orientation came to the fore, but were abandoned in favor of a prospective Franco-Hungarian understanding by spring 1920. In this time period, Budapest was also engaged in building ties with Warsaw, considered friendly towards Hungarian aims, and, by 1921, overtures were made even to Czechoslovakia. Parallel to the traditional diplomacy carried out by the Foreign Service, a series of covert operations were also in preparation. Cooperation with various German right-wing officer networks periodically appeared on this secret agenda, ultimately envisaging the destruction of the Versailles peace system. Veterans and serving officers plotted to reclaim the former Upper Hungary from Czechoslovakia, enable Croatian secession to the south and engineer a right-wing coup in Austria. After a series chaotic and unsuccessful attempts, Count István Bethlen carried out a reorientation of Hungarian foreign policy from late spring 1921 onwards. He restored cohesion to foreign policy action, while adapting it to the prevailing power political realities. This did yield results even in the short term, although eventually forced Bethlen to suspend (yet not abandon) the central aim of achieving territorial revisions of the Treaty of Trianon.

A trianoni békediktátum katonai előírásai. Törekvések a magyar haderő életben tartására és fejlesztésére, 1920–1927

Author(s): Vilmos Kovács / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 05/2020

This study summarizes the Hungarian National Defense Forces’ situation during the time period indicated in the title, with a view to the manufacturing of military equipment and supplies, also reflecting upon the background, the following years, and the organizational changes. Setting out from the military and war industrial resolutions of the Peace Treaty of Trianon closing the First World War, for the now independent Hungary, the article analyses the options of the Hungarian war industry, its partial recovery, development, and the organization of its state control. In the latter case, it presents how the top state organization could cooperate with the private companies theoretically under its control. The author touches in detail upon the fact that despite the prohibitions and restrictions, with the knowledge and active support of the Defense Forces’ leadership, the Hungarian war industry became capable of securing and developing a production capacity essentially exceeding the approved limits, in other cases converting available production lines for military production. Regarding the above-mentioned aspects, the paper describes the structure and units of the InterAllied Commission of Control, its tasks, and power of control. The study covers the evasion of Entente supervision, supported by the state, for example by introducing double-entry bookkeeping and concealing the army’s forbidden or excessive items under other Ministries’ formations. The article lastly describes the development plans and the partial realization of these after the end of the continuous Entente supervision in 1927. The military aid given to the Polish nation and Army during the Polish-Bolshevik War in 19191921 is an interesting and illuminating, yet less known part of the study. This act was crowned by giving shelter to Polish refugees in the autumn of 1939.

Crisis Management Strategies after World War I

Author(s): Ágnes Pogány / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2015

The history of the big Budapest flour mills reached its finale in the second half of the 1920s. By then, it had been clear to all players that the Hungarian flour mill industry could not return to the prosperity of the nineteenth century and indeed had become one of the many crisis branches of the Trianon economy. The grave problems of the branch were not without antecedents. The big mills in Hungary had begun to lose ground in the global market in the last decades of the nineteenth century. Their declining competitiveness manifested itself in reduced exports, drops in price, and increasing domestic rivalry. The big Hungarian commercial mills sought solutions to overcome their problems that were similar to the solutions adopted by other foreign companies at the time. They strove to cut production costs and increase profits by establishing economies of scale and scope with horizontal and vertical integrations. Companies used basically two means to limit competition between firms: they organized cartels or they merged with their rivals to control their economic environment. In this article, I analyze how these crisis management practices were applied to meet corporate needs in the interwar period. I investigate these questions mainly as a case study of the biggest Hungarian flour milling company, the Első Budapesti Gőzmalom Rt. (First Budapest Steam Mill Co. later: FBSM), based on its archival documents and articles that were printed in the contemporary economic press.

A Foreign Labor Force in Early Republican Turkey: The Case of Hungarian Migrant Workers

Author(s): Emre Saral / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2017

Beginning in the 1920s, Hungarian workers began to migrate to foreign countries for economic and political reasons. Among them, a group of Hungarians including workers, engineers, and trained experts arrived in Turkey. The laborers from Hungary entered the Turkish market before the Residence Convention signed in 1926, which mutually allowed the citizens of both signatories to reside and work in the two countries. As neither government initially implemented the necessary measures, there had been an uncontrolled flow of workers to Turkey. Enduring poor living conditions and facing several problems, including low wages and lack of social insurance, they were employed in jobs such as house building and railroad construction, and they made a serious contribution to the development of the country in the 1920s and 1930s. This essay presents the situation of the Hungarian migrant workers in Turkey in the interwar period on the basis of official documents held in Hungarian, Turkish, and British archives. I examine the socio-economic situation of Hungarians in Anatolia, the obstacles they faced, the stance of and measures adopted by the Turkish government, and the attempts that were made by the Hungarian diplomatic mission on behalf of the Hungarian citizens living in Turkey.

Croatian Political Refugees Living in Emigration in the Interwar Period: The Case of the Croatian Political Refugees in Hungary

Author(s): Petra Hamerli / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2017

After the disintegraton of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, the successor states also had to face the old problem of the “nationality question”. The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (which in 1929 became the first incarnation of Yugoslavia) was the most multi-ethnic or multinational state in the region, and this led to conflicts, in particular between Serbs and Croats. When Alexander I introduced the dictatorship (January 6, 1929), many Croats decided to leave Yugoslavia. Most of them emigrated to Latin America, but Albania, Austria, Bulgaria, Germany, Hungary, and Italy, as neighboring states, were also popular directions. Many of the refugees left Yugoslavia for political reasons. Most of them emigrated to states that were interested in or actively sought the disintegration or at least weakening of Yugoslavia, such as Hungary and Italy, but many of them chose Austria, Belgium, and Germany. In this essay I focus primarily on the Croatian political refugees living in Hungary. The most important sources on these refugees are found in the Sate Archives of Italy (Archivio Centrale di Stato di Roma, ACS) in the material entitled “Carte Conti,” which includes the list of Croats for whom warrants had been issued and who were followed continuously by the Zagreb police and the Yugoslav authorities for political reasons. I also use primary sources to assess the role that the Croatian camp Jankapuszta, and the house in Nagykanizsa bought by the Ustaše leader Gustav Perčec played in the lives of migrants and in diplomatic calamities. In addition to the sources in the Sate Archives, I also draw on the documents of the Archives of the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Archivio Storico Diplomatico del Ministero degli Affari Esteri, ASMAE) and the National Archives of Hungary (Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár Országos Levéltára, MNL OL).