Priča o dvama sustavima
If Slobodan Milosevic were being tried in a United States court, the current debate about his right to defend himself would simply not be taking place.
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If Slobodan Milosevic were being tried in a United States court, the current debate about his right to defend himself would simply not be taking place.
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For the purpose o f this paper, two features of the upheavals in the realm of former "really existing socialism" are of great importance. 1. The "socialist" state, which in many respects favoured the "working class" but in legal terms did not prescribe or condone discrimination on any ground but political opinion, was generally replaced by an outwardly liberal democratic state, which in most instances is heavily loaded in favour of the dominant ethnic group.
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The purpose of the work is to analyse the prepared and unprepared techniques of improvisation in foreign jazz instrumental music of the second half of the XX century, as well as to determine the trends and features of their development. The research methodology involves the use of historical, analytical, and comparative methods, which allows revealing the peculiarities of the development of creative techniques in jazz instrumental music of the stated period. The scientific novelty of the work lies in the fact that prepared and unprepared improvisation techniques in foreign jazz instrumental music of the second half of the XX century are investigated for the first time, the analysis of which makes it possible to find out how these techniques and jazz instrumental music of the specified period developed as a whole. Conclusions. In the second half of the ХХ century, prepared and unprepared improvisations developed dynamically. Prepared improvisation is a fairly common creative technique in jazz music, which has its roots in academic music. The main principle of prepared improvisation is that it is planned in advance by the performer. It becomes widespread in jazz in the first half of the ХХ century during the swing era, during the heyday of big jazz orchestras and big bands. In the second half of the ХХ century the prepared improvisation technique develops freely, interacts with other improvisation techniques (collective, solo, choral, and modal). However, at the same time, jazz music has been associated precisely with unprepared improvisation since its inception. This technique does not require prior preparation, the birth of music occurs directly at the moment of making music. If prepared improvisation can be positioned as a phenomenon of limited improvisation, then unprepared improvisation gives complete creative freedom to the musician. In addition, it should be noted that the principles of unprepared improvisation are quite close, similar and related to the techniques of free and spontaneous improvisation. To a large extent, these techniques are used in avant-garde trends and free jazz. In the development of unprepared improvisation in jazz instrumental music of the second half of the ХХ century it is difficult to single out specific periods that are marked by certain characteristic and innovative tendencies of formation.
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The present study concentrates a synthesis on the lyrics of Arcadie Suceveanu, a Bessarabian poet who asserted himself in the 70-80s and man aged to build rather a bridge between romanticism and modernity, putting an important emphasis on the construction of the imaginary, leaving sentimentalism behind, but not as a term of opposition, but as a pretext for poetry’s leap into modernity.
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During 1991, the security services of Bosnia and Herzegovina began to monitor the telephone conversations of high-ranking officials of the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS). These recorded conversations reveal part of the truth to the preparations for the war and the genocide that followed. Intercepted conversations also show the connections that Serbian officials in Bosnia and Herzegovina had with Belgrade, that is, with Slobodan Milošević and other officials of the Yugoslav leadership. These conversations were recorded until the beginning of the aggression, that is, until they left the territory of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in March and April 1992, by persons whose phones were tapped. This paper will deal with conversations that were recorded in the period from May 1991 to March 1992. One of the most common topics of these conversations was the issue of Islam, that is, the thematization of terms such as „Islamic Republic“, „Islamic Declaration“, „Islamic way of life“, „Islamic fundamentalism“, etc. The paper shows how the Serbian political elite used this terminology to instill fear in public opinion, but to a certain extent they also believed that an increased birth rate would lead to the establishment of a Muslim-majority state. For the purposes of writing this paper, research was done on primary sources, i.e. transcripts of intercepted conversations. The transcripts were used as evidence by the Prosecutor's Office of the Hague Tribunal during the trial of high-ranking Serbian officials. In addition to the research, sorting and analysis of the transcripts, this paper will also identify the most prominent participants in the conversation of the Serbian leadership. Also, given the aforementioned specificity of telephone conversations through their private nature, it is possible to dissect important topics in the conversations, which are often not military and political, and will contribute to finding additional answers. This makes these conversations even more important because they show a more intimate side of the genocidal strategist. Participants such as high-ranking officials Slobodan Milošević, Radovan Karadžić, Biljana Plavšić, Nikola Koljević, Momčilo Krajišnik, Dobrica Čosić and others, shows what and how those at the top thought in their private telephone conversations in those days in 1991 and 1992. On the other hand, through the conversations, one can see how well the SDS leadership managed the situation on the ground. Low-ranking figures who performed various political and social tasks such as Todor Dutin, director of the SRNA, Rajko Dukić, president of the SDS Executive Committee and a local strongman in Milići appear in the conversations; Vojo Kuprešanin, member of the Main Board of SDS and a key man in Krajina; Vitomir Žepinić, Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs of Bosnia and Herzegovina; Radoslav Brđanin, head of the Autonomous Region of Krajina, Zvonko Bajagić, a prominent member of the SDS in Vlasenica, Gojko Đogo, writer and essayist, a close friend of Karadžić, Momčilo Momo Mandić, Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs of Bosnia and Herzegovina and later wartime Minister of Justice of the so-called „Republic Serbian“,; Trifko Komad, head of Radovan Karadžić's Cabinet and member of the SDS Main Board and many others. Also, what is important to mention is the visible 'radicalization' of the participants in the talks. As the political situation on the ground worsened, hate speech and threats became more frequent and serious. This paper aims to further approach this important topic of intercepted conversations and to popularize its greater use in scientific research works. With the advancement of technology and means of communication, the primary sources for research are slowly shifting and taking on a new look. Thus, this paper also tries to analyze these intercepted conversations to give some insight into the complexity of understanding the genocidal intentions of the Bosnian Serb leadership.
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The topic of this article does not cover the views of all Serbian politicians on the language in Bosnia and Herzegovina from the beginning of the 1990s, at least not those who remained in the convocation of the Assembly of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and who were opponents of the policy of the Serbian Democratic Party, that is, they did not agree with it. In this paper, we analyze shorthand notes from the so-called Assembly of the Serbian people in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1991 to 1995 (from January 1992, the so-called Republic of the Serbian People of Bosnia and Herzegovina; and from March 1992, the so-called Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and from September 1992, the Republic of Srpska). The aim of this paper is twofold. One is analyzing the nationalist attitudes of Serbian politicians about the language in Bosnian society from the beginning of the 1990s, while the other is pointing out the presence of some open and tolerant attitudes. Topic wise, we follow the narrative about the use of the alphabet or the discussion about the relationship between the Latin and Cyrillic alphabets. Moreover, particular focus is on the discourse about the name of the language and the mutual relationship between the linguistic identities of Serbs, Croats and Bosniak Muslims. Lastly, we will pay special attention to the issue of Ekavica (ekavian speech) and the model of political partialness and imposition of the Ekavian language of identity in the dialect space to which it does not originally belong. As the use of Ekavica was the biggest point of contention in the debates of Serbian politicians, in this paper we will additionally refer to a brief historical overview of the status of Ekavica in the Bosnian society, especially in education. Documents about the usage of Ekavica in special circumstances will also be presented in this paper. As the documents show, however, Ekavica is a means of spreading Serbian national interests in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Following some ideas of proposed or adopted legislative acts on language from the beginning of the 1990s, we will analyze the transcripts from a total of thirteen parliamentary sessions where language was discussed, along with about twenty individually expressed views during parliamentary procedures. As a thorough presentation or analysis of all of the above would exceed the usual article length, we will present only some parliamentary positions directly as sources. Other views will be systematized and analyzed as a group through the discussion and conclusions. Views that directly concern the current organization of our society and state will be particularly dealt with. In that regard, significant data on how Serbian is positioned in relation to the Bosnian and Croatian languages through the directly stated views of Serbian political representatives on several occasions and at separate parliamentary sessions can also be observed. Two opposing models were found – tolerance in language views, on one hand, and open discrimination and linguistic imperialism in the misuse of language for political purposes on the other hand. The starting motive for research of this type is a contextualized relationship to the current situation in connection with official negative attitudes towards language rights in the Bosnian entity the Republic of Srpska, with a special contextual connection with the latest legislative acts – the so-called unity of the Serbian cultural space, the guidelines for the unified cultural and educational policy of the Serbian people (from 2019), and the Declaration on the borders of the Serbian language (from 2022) – without directly entering into the content elements thereof
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The goal of this paper is to analyze the role of Congress in the formulation of American foreign policy towards Yugoslavia with special reference to the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1991. The paper is based on currently available Congressional archival materials, archives of individual former Senators, and media reports from that period. This paper will try to prove that some key members of the Senate started following the events in Yugoslavia very early on and that through their activities in the Senate they tried to shape the US foreign policy towards Yugoslavia in 1991.
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There is an ongoing debate on the changes in the activity of the labour movement in Europe: whether strikes are still the dominant form of action or were they supplanted by demonstrations and civil activism. The question is urgent in countries such as Poland where the number of registered strikes is very low. We verify the hypothesis that the labour movement in Poland shifts from the labour rights to civil rights model of contention in five dimensions: the scale of protest, mobilizing structures, repertoire, claims, and addressees. To avoid pitfalls of relying on official strike data, we use protest event analysis to gather data on workers’ protest from the national press. The conclusion is that the official data on strikes does not reveal the full scope of protest but work stoppages remain the dominant form of action. Results question the reliance on the official strike data to measure labour movement activity.
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Review of: Općinska udruga Nositelja ratnih odličja HVO Žepče – Udruga Nositelja ratnih odličja HVO-a Zeničko-dobojske županije, Glasnik HVO-a 111. xp brigade Žepče – Pretisak 1992.-1995., Općinska udruga Nositelja ratnih odličja HVO Žepče – Udruga Nositelja ratnih odličja HVO-a Zeničko-dobojske županije, Žepče, 2022., 595 str.
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W prezentowanym artykule przedstawiono zarys analizy rozwoju Białorusi po uzyskaniu suwerenności państwowej. Po ostatecznym rozpadzie ZSRR (XII 1991) Białoruś miała możliwość samodzielnego kształtowania swojej polityki wewnętrznej i zagranicznej. Młode państwo, zyskując szybkie międzynarodowe uznanie, zaczęło realizować zasadę trójpodziału władzy, angażować aktywnych obywateli w dyskusję na temat perspektyw rozwoju kraju.Autor podejmuje próbę wyjaśnienia przyczyn transformacji Białorusi z republiki parlamentarnej w państwo autorytarne. W przedstawionych rozważaniach stwierdza się, że stopniowe wprowadzanie autorytarnych metod rządzenia na początkowym etapie było popierane przez znaczną część społeczeństwa. W warunkach niskiej kultury politycznej w kraju, niepokojące procesy autorytaryzmu uznawane były za czasowe trudności etapu przejściowego od spadku totalitarnego do demokracji. Ustanowienie na Białorusi dyktatury osobistej doprowadziło do stopniowej degradacji wiodących struktur państwowych.Spośród przyczyn chęci przywrócenia sowieckiego ustroju przez liczną część społeczeństwa białoruskiego wyróżnić należy słabe zaangażowanie Białorusinów w odbudowę państwa narodowego, podziały tożsamościowe, brak strategii jednoczącej społeczeństwo przed współczesnymi wyzwaniami.W artykule postawiono tezę, że negatywną rolę w rozwoju Białorusi odgrywały rosyjskie elity polityczne, które w rzeczywistości nie uznawały suwerenności państwa białoruskiego, negowały tożsamość Białorusinów, języka białoruskiego, kultury i narracje historyczne. Prosowieckie i prorosyjskie poglądy Łukaszenki zachęcały Kreml do ustanowienia kontroli nad państwem białoruskim. W lutym 2022 r. Moskwa wykorzystała terytorium Białorusi do inwazji na Ukrainę, kwestionując niepodległość państwa ościennego.Masowe protesty na Białorusi przeciwko rażącemu fałszowaniu wyborów prezydenckich (VIII 2020) pokazały, że białoruskie społeczeństwo odrzuca autorytarny reżim, a także prowadzoną dotychczas politykę wewnętrzną i zagraniczną. Władza Łukaszenki dążąc do wyjścia z głębokiego kryzysu, położyła główny nacisk na brutalne represje wobec protestujących obywateli. Obecna strategia władz naraża państwo białoruskie na całkowitą utratę suwerenności. [The presented publication provides a brief analysis of the development of Belarus after the gaining of state sovereignty. After the final collapse of the USSR (XII 1991), Belarus had the opportunity to independently shape its domestic and foreign policy. The young state, having received rapid international recognition, began to put into practice the division of branches of government, to involve active citizens in a discussion about the prospects for the the country.The author tries to find out the reasons for the transformation of Belarus from a parliamentary republic to an authoritarian state that began after the first presidential elections (VII 1994). It is argued that this transition at the initial stage enjoyed the support of the majority of the population, who, in conditions of low political culture, associated the socio-economic difficulties of the transition stage with democratic transformations. The establishment of a personal dictatorship in Belarus has led to the gradual degradation of the main state structures.The researcher sees the main reason for the desire of many Belarusians to return to the Soviet order in the incompleteness of the Belarusian nation-building, in the split of society into several identity groups, in the absence of a collective strategy for finding answers to the challenges of the time.The article emphasizes the thesis that the Russian leadership played a negative role in the development of Belarus, which in practice did not recognize the independence of the post-Soviet state, denied the uniqueness of the Belarusian language, culture and historical narratives. Lukashenko’s pro-Soviet and pro-Russian views were supported by the Kremlin, which, under the guise of various support, sought to establish control over the Belarusian regime. In February 2022, Moscow used the territory of Belarus to invade Ukraine, greatly questioning the sovereignty of the neighboring country.Mass protests in Belarus against the gross falsification of the presidential elections (VIII 2020) demonstrated that the Belarusian society rejects the authoritarian regime, its domestic and foreign policy. The regime, in its actions to get out of the deep crisis, placed the main emphasis on brutal repression against dissent. This makes the future of the Belarusian state poorly predictable, makes it dependent on many internal and external circumstances.]
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Based on archival sources and relevant literature, this paper portrays political circumstances and security situation in Western Slavonia from 1989, that is, from collapse of the communist systems in Europe and destabilisation of Yugoslavia by the political leadership of the Socialist Republic of Serbia, up until August 1991 when the overt Greater-Serbian Aggression started in Western Slavonia. Democratic processes in Europe also seized western Yugoslav republics, Slovenia and Croatia. These republics advocated either the restructure of Yugoslavia as a confederal state, or their independence in case that the political agreement with other republics about common state system was not feasible. Conversely, Serbian political leadership’s goal, supported by pro-Serbian oriented leadership of the federal Yugoslav People’s Army, was to impose Yugoslavia as a centralized state under the domination of Serbs, as the most numerous Yugoslav nation. After this policy failed, Serbian leadership attempted to create Greater Serbia which would comprise all territories which Serbian leadership considered as historically and ethnically a Serbian territory. Among others, that also included Western Slavonia where a certain part of population were ethnic Serbs. Part of these Serbs, as well as ethnic Serbs in certain other parts of Croatia, supported by Belgrade, gradually commenced rebellion against the Croatian authorities. Insurgency was led by representatives of Serbian Democratic Party whose centre was in town Knin. In the first phase of destabilisation the emphasis was on the thesis that the Serbs were endangered in Western Slavonia, in order to radicalize as many as possible, which was successfully implemented, and finally led to terrorist actions culminating with the open aggression in Western Slavonia.
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The authors analyze events that have occurred in the municipality of Konjic throughout the March and April of 1993. Special emphasis was placed on crimes committed against the Croatian population of that municipality. In the early morning of April 16, 1993, Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) committed a war crime in the northern Herzegovinian village of Trusina, where 22 Croatian civilians and captured Croatian Defence Council (HVO) soldiers were killed. This crime was the result of a previously planned attack by the Army of BiH on the Croatian population and the HVO in the Konjic municipality, which began on April 14, 1993. The main attacking forces of the Army of BiH on the village Trusina on April 16, 1993, were members of the Zulfikar Special Purposes Detachment . They were under the direct command of the Supreme Command Staff (SVC) (i.e., General Staff of the Army of BiH) from their formation to just a few days before the crime in Trusina was committed. They have then become an integral part of the 1st Corps of the Army of BiH based in Sarajevo. As an integral part of the 1st Corps, members of the Zulfikar Special Purposes Detachment became the main perpetrators of a previously planned attack and war crime against the Croatian population of Trusina.
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In this paper the focus has been placed on the events in villages with a Serb majority in the former municipality of Vukovar, in particular of the north-western part (the villages of Bršadin, Bobota, Trpinja and Borovo). The time period covered starts with the first indications of the villagers inclined to the political platform of Slobodan Milošević in 1989/1990 until summer 1991 when these villages became part of the Serb region and war broke out in the wider region of Eastern Slavonia. On the basis of accessible sources an overview of the main political events in the villages, of the organization of the rebellion and the mobilization of the Serbian nationalist policy is provided. Special attention has been paid to the involvement of political actors from Serbia in the organization and leadership of the rebellion. The villages of the Vukovar municipality with Serb populations were significant places for the ethnic mobilization during the first phases of the Serbian rebellion and were important bases for later attacks on the town of Vukovar. While some of the Serbs in towns such as Vukovar during the political changes in 1990 still leaned towards the Yugoslav option promoted by the SKH-SDP (League of Communists of Croatia-Social Democratic Party), the villages were mobilized for the nationalistic policy. Thus, in the villages of the Vukovar area with Serb populations the ideas of the Serbian nationalist scene and Milošević’s political platform had already in the early stages been unreservedly accepted. During the escalation phase, the villages became the central settings of incidents and additional ethnic mobilization. When the war eventually started, the villages became the main logistic bases and strongholds in combat operations. Although there is no doubt that the majority of the local people accepted the nationalist policy and the mobilization, this paper shows that the rebellion, regardless of this “authenticity”, was significantly “inauthentic”. The villages of the municipality of Vukovar with Serb populations did not have the social, political, economic and intellectual capacities of their own to be able to establish an insurgent policy or to mobilize the population. The key initiatives in all phases of the rebellion originated in nearby Serbia and were in support of the Serbian political leadership. In the initial phase the support was mainly cultural, political and came through the media. In the second phase support was provided by intelligence work and the political organisation of rebels and their limited actions such as setting up barricades. Eventually, in the third phase the rebels gained predominantly military support. The above villages were just a means to an end and a base for such a policy but were certainly not coherent political actors. The Serbian rebellion in the villages of the municipality of Vukovar must be seen in this context.
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Thirty years after the international recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina, a scientific challenge par excellence is posed: examining its political, geopolitical, economic, and cultural consequences. Verified on 22. 5. 1995 by the accession of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the United Nations organization, the triumph of Bosnian sovereignty brought with it both positive and negative implications. In the history of the Bosnian state, this remains one of the most important dates, discovered three decades later as the last line of defence against continuous attempts to destroy the state’s plural, longitudinal political subjectivity. The author’s argument will empower the international recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina as the epochal event, the Mother of Events that have happened and which will happen. The argumentation is built by examination of the sovereign and the anti-sovereign variables, within a hypothetical framework in which the possibility of convergence of the unified external sovereignty and dual internal sovereignty is investigated. The key question posed is whether this convergence is possible and necessary, and, if not, what is the future of the Bosnian and Herzegovinian sovereignty. Will the flag of Bosnia and Herzegovina still stand in front of the UN Building at the East River? Is the danger of its removal truly gone?
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In the paper author analyzes, by using referential sources and literature, crucial events and processes that affected happenings in Bosnia and Herzegovina from the beginning of SFR Yugoslavia’s dissolution to the international recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina on 6 April 1992. The special attention is devoted to the situation in internal BH political scene by emphasizing the national goals and means of their achievement.
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Independence Day is very important for every country and nation, it should be a magnificent date and celebrated throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina. Unfortunately, it became problematic in Bosnia and Herzegovina, because the majority of the Serbian people did not go to the referendum or vote on February 29 and March 1, 1992 for the independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The rhetorical question that arises today is what was our fate that day. And the question is, could it have been different? The answer was to stay in a truncated Yugoslavia, and Montenegro did not remain either, or to vote for independence. It is known that close to 65 percent of citizens with the right to vote turned out and close to 98 percent of them voted for the independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The said percentage of 65 percent of the turnout suggests that Croats and Bosniaks and some Serbs voted for independence. The church, local and general, unreservedly supported Bosnia and Herzegovina and not only Catholics but also all citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. HKD Napredak, although newly renovated (1990), contributed a lot to the cultural development of Sarajevo and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and became a significant factor on the social level as well.
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This year we celebrate 25 years since the establishment of the Czech Social Security Administration (CSSA). On the occasion of this significant anniversary it is perhaps fitting to recall the development of individual branches of social insurance over the last 25 years. Following the great social changes of November 1989, it was necessary to extensively rebuild the general legal system and completely change rules governing access to social security as such. The employee sickness insurance system was transferred from trade union associations to the newly-created Czech Social Security Administration, which assumed the former powers of the Office for Pension Security in Prague, the Czech Health Insurance Administration and the Association of Czech and Moravian Production Cooperatives Health Insurance Administration and, consequently, became responsible for the administration of both the health and pension insurance systems.
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The period following November 1989 witnessed sweeping political changes in Slovakia, including in the field of social security. As in the Czech Republic, fundamental organisational changes were introduced in Slovakia. On 1 January 1991 the pension and health insurance systems were merged to form a single institution - the Slovak Social Security Administration which functioned until the end of 1992. In 1993, as part of the transformation of the social sphere in Slovakia, fundamental changes were made to institutional arrangements and a new public institution was created known as National Insurance. On 1 January 2004, the long-awaited reform involving the transformation of the social security system into a social insurance system was implemented to be administered by the Social Insurance Agency.
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In the paper, based on the analysis of ethnographic material, the author explains the emergence of ordinary affects during the breakup of Yugoslavia. He shows that the ordinary affects were unfolding amid social anomie created by the collapse of the Yugoslav state and the processes of ethnicization on the subnational level. One of the striking features of the processes of ethnicization was targeted violence against civilians or democratization of violence on a subnational level. To help understand the emergence of affective afflictions, the author supplements theories of cultural trauma and ethnicization with the concepts of situation and crisis embedded in the ordinary. Furthermore, he argues that this small theoretical supplement can help understand the persistence and unusually high presence of war rhetoric in some post-Yugoslav states.
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