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The study deals with the impact of the coronavirus in 16 districts of southern Slovakia. The first part of the paper outlines the impact of the pandemic on the Slovak economy. In the beginning, attempts were made to slow the spread of the epidemic by limiting contacts between people. This had a significant negative impact on supply chains and affected all countries in the developed world. The measures have had the most negative impact on services. Economic performance declined, unemployment and later inflation increased. This was also felt in southern Slovakia. The area is an integral part of the country, with many of the largest companies located in the region analysed. Despite this, the 16 districts of southern Slovakia are collectively lagging behind the national average. It is true that there are significant regional disparities, but the development gap between West and East is significant. Taking unemployment, industry salaries and business productivity into account, it can be said that southern Slovakia is still one of the most backward regions in Slovakia. In view of the lower level of development, it is difficult to determine to what extent this is due to the economic crisis caused by the coronavirus, but it can be stated that the current situation makes it difficult for southern Slovakia to catch up.
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Стаття присвячена російсько-українській війні. В статті наведено низку причин виникнення цієї війни. Основні причини це імперські амбіції, бахвальство, бажання показати всьому світові, що Росія може робити будь що безкарно. Росія після воїн в Чечні, Грузії, Сирії вирішила розпочати повномасштабну війну в Україні. Росія сформувала особливий вид фашизму, який отримав назву «Рашизм». Наслідки російсько-української війни не зрозумілі. Можливі різні сценарії від песимістичних, які передбачають застосування ядерної зброї та переростання російсько-української війни у третю світову. Є помірковані сценарії і є оптимістичні. Наприклад, варіант внутрішнього перевороту у Росії та розпаду Росії на окремі держави. Уроки війни. Кожне зло вчить якимось речам. Головний наслідок. Світ не буде таким як був до 24.02.2022. Світ згуртувався. Головне завдання майбутнього – зробити світ без воїн.
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Rivalry in the international sphere, as well as armed conflicts between states and friction within international organizations, not forgetting about wars in the economic-technological and economic-commercial dimension, includ- ing issues related to natural resources, raw materials and energy, are part of an attempt to place elites in a new axiological-political space, abstract- ing from the existing pattern of civilization, while preferring ideologies of post-values, post-humanity (e.g. transhumanism) and post-truth. This article presents the essence of military security against the background of international rivalry of states and powers observed until 2021. Taking into account the title of the article, it should be noted that the analyzed object of research, due to the breadth and complexity of the subject matter undertaken, will be primarily understood in the plane of the nature and specificity of relations, and mainly rivalry and struggle, between the main state actors of international relations for dominance and domination on a global scale, while referring here to the realist and idealist paradigm, intertwining these two approaches in relation to the international sphere, while taking into account such detailed and momentous phenomena, such as: transnational processes, the corporate and globalist transformation of economy and society, and the internalization of the ideas of the New World Order, as well as the civilizational and cultural crisis of the West.
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Zjednoczenie Niemiec – sukcesy i wyzwania w świetle współczesnych debat (conference report). Conference held in Instytut Zachodni in Poznań on 15 June 2022
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In this article, I analysed the views of the Russian Federation towards the idea of the Three Seas in politics and economy. The primary goal of this study is to characterise the position of the Russian Federation towards the Three Seas Initiative launched in September 2015. I present this topic due to the academic discussions on the instruments with which the Russian Federation may undermine the foundations of this project. It will be important to look at how Russia perceives the role of the United States in the analysed idea and also to answer the question of whether Russia will try to divide Europe through the Three Seas Initiative. In addition, the opinion of Russian politicians and journalists regarding Poland’s contribution to the initiative needs to be traced. It will also be important to present the possible consequences of the Three Seas Initiative’s development in terms of Russia’s energy policy. The article’s central thesis assumes that the Kremlin aims to torpedo the present undertaking by depreciating Washington’s importance and bilateral agreement with each country separately. The authorities in Moscow believe that only strict control over Central and Eastern Europe and the Balkans will enable a strong influence on international events, strengthening its position in the time of a possible confrontation with the United States.
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The People’s Republic of China has undoubtedly made an unprecedented leap in civilisation over the past 40 years, lifting more than 850 million people out of extreme poverty. However, this tremendous progress has been paid by environmental degradation. In 2012 and 2013, Xi Jinping became General Secretary of the Communist Party of China and President of the People’s Republic of China successively. During the subsequent years of his rule, he consolidated in his hands a power that no other politician since Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping possessed. At the same time, he faced the challenge of a national and international climate crisis. According to Xi Jinping, to address this critical situation, it is necessary to make China an ecological civilization. This article characterises the idea of ecological civilisation as well as shows the most important actions taken by Xi Jinping to implement it.
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After witnessing a huge turnaround in the wider social context in the previous period, it seems that the question of the future of museums in the digital environment has begun to take on a very optimistic tone full of potential. There is a growing visibility of these heritage institutions on social networks and an increasingly diverse offer of virtual tours, as well as the use of modern virtual and augmented reality technologies in the interpretation and presentation of cultural heritage, while some works of art and collections are created exclusively for cyberspace. Nevertheless, the museum as a meeting place still seems irreplaceable. At a time of isolation, growing loneliness and fears, studies on the emotions of visitors during their stay in the museum in the last few years show that real, physical spaces of the museum encourage constructive attitudes. Encounters with other visitors as well as with the exhibited artifacts especially prove to be important for positive feelings and the need to visit the museum. We will issue these theoretical premises on selected examples and examine whether modern technologies serve as additional tools of promotion and other possible ways of presenting museum content or, oppositely, whether social media and NFT galleries manage to overcome the need for the museum itself as a place of physical encounter.
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Pandora, a double concerto for viola, cello and chamber orchestra was written by Lazar Đorđević (b. 1992) as the final work for his DMus degree, and premiered on 2 February 2022 in Belgrade. Pandora draws many parallels with the works by Đorđević’s supervisor, Zoran Erić (b. 1950), one of the most prominent Serbian postmodern composers; yet, Đorđević’s own “postmodernism” is very different from that of his predecessors. Pandora thus provides an opportunity to rethink various tendencies and trends among the Serbian composers of the second half of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st century, which have left an imprint on the youngest generation, including the several interchanging “cycles” (or circles) of avant-garde and postmodernism. Has Pandora, with its sonic qualities and experimental drive, escaped the trends or actually reinforced them?
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Materials from the conference “German Reunification - Successes and Challenges in the Light of Contemporary Debates: Unity and transformation. Experiences and conclusions of researches devoted to the transformation period
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Umro je filozof Abdulah Šarčević. Sahranjen je 18. novembra u Sarajevu, na groblju Bare, na Svjetski dan filozofije. Otišao je u tišini. Ostala je nijema Akademija nauka i umjetnosti, šutnjom Filozofski fakultet ispraća svog zaboravljenog patrijarha.
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The army was the most significant beneficiary of the Arab Spring in Egypt. Hosni Mubarak was replaced by a more powerful dictator, General Abd al-Fattah as-Sisi. Under the rule of General as-Sisi and his army, there is no place for dialogue between the ruling elite and society, or for democratisation and building a civil society. President General as-Sisi won the elections but has no legitimacy to rule. The short- and medium-term perspective of changes looks very unfavourable. The remilitarisation of Egypt and military electoral authoritarianism will continue. Adherents of General as-Sisi argue that his authoritarian rule is necessary to stabilise the situation in the country and prevent jihad attacks on the Sinai Peninsula. Opposition groups are encouraged to endorse the president through large-scale projects such as the New Administrative Capital, which sets out to testify that Egypt is rising to the rank of a regional power under the rule of President as-Sisi.
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This article measures the intensity of negative campaigning in Poland. Its analysis focuses on the share of pre-election rhetoric that involved criticising political opponents, how far this criticism concerned incompetence and how far dishonesty, and which of the competing actors were attacked by the representatives of respective parties. The empirical analyses were conducted with the new Comparative Campaign Dynamics Dataset, which had not been used before in Polish scholarly literature. The results indicate that in Poland the intensity of negative campaigns has increased since 2015 and parties tend to use them in a manner consistent with the strategic premises resulting from their position in the party system. The representatives of new opposition parties, those with a weak position in an election and actors with an anti-systemic profile are more predisposed to criticise others.
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The aim of the paper is to analyze and evaluate the Polish-American alliance during the presidency of Donald Trump in the perspective of the concept of offensive bandwagoning. In Poland, the United States is invariably perceived as the main external guarantor of security. For this reason, Poland's security policy is clearly pro-American. The Polish authorities from the Law and Justice party and the US administration of President Donald Trump were brought together by many factors, including ideological closeness, disputes with Western European political elites, relativizing the principles of the rule of law and democracy, and a similar view of the geopolitics of Central and Eastern Europe. I argue that in recent years the Polish-American alliance was deepened, but at the same time the asymmetry in relations between the states increased. Even more than usual, symptoms of clientelism were noticeable in Poland's security policy towards the US, which was a consequence of the implementation of the offensive bandwagoning concept. I also argue that the tightening of Polish-American alliance was detrimental to the cohesion and solidarity in NATO and the EU, which was against the basic interests of Poland's security. During the research, the method of text source analysis was used. The research could support decision-makers in developing the basic principles of Poland's security policy towards the United States.
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This study aims to analyze the effect of Debt to Equity Ratio (DER) and Firm Size on Profitability proxy with Return on Asset (ROA) in Manufacturing company on the Indonesian Stock Exchange 2017-2019. The sample population in this study contains Manufacturing companies listed on the Indonesia Stock Exchange The number of companies used in this study were 127 company samples. The research data is quantitative data obtained from the quarterly financial report of Manufacture Companies. Data analysis using simple linear analysis with 5% significance level which aims to obtain how the overall influence of the relationship between Debt to Equity Ratio (DER), Firm Size variable and Return on Asset (ROA). The results showed that the variable Debt to Equity Ratio (DER) has a negative and significant effect on Return on Asset (ROA) with a value t greater than 0.005 and Firm Size has a negative and significant effect on Return on Asset (ROA) with a value t greater than 0.005. High DER ratio can give a picture of the negative effect on profitability and High Firm Size ratio can give a picture of the negative effect on profitability of Manufacture Company.
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The article attempts a preliminary assessment of the conditions, scale and trends of illegal migration to the European Union after 2012 and its criminal exploitation, including trafficking in human beings. Material and methods: The article refers to publicly available documents and data of EUROPOL, FRONTEX and the European Commission. The research on the criminal exploitation of migration and trafficking in human beings used quantitative and qualitative analysis methods. Results: The number of victims of trafficking in human beings detected in the European Union after 2012 has remained relatively stable despite an increase in the number of illegal migrants. Conclusions: The effectiveness of the European Union’s fight against illegal migration and related trafficking in human beings is not fully satisfactory.
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This article discusses the changing structure, characteristics, and condition of Polish Immigrant Organisations (PIOs) in the United Kingdom, from Poland’s accession to the EU (2004) until the immediate aftermath of the Brexit vote (2017). It suggests that they are an important part of the rich tapestry of civil society actors dealing with migrants’ issues. It finds that the profound heterogenization of the landscape of Polish Immigrant Organisations can be attributed to a very diverse migrant community in terms of class, whose needs were not met by the hitherto existing organisations devoted to the symbolic affirmation of Polishness and in-group solidarity, chiefly along class lines. The resultant intergenerational tension between old and new migrants translated into the emergence of a new breed of migrant organisations that addressed the welfare needs of the underprivileged Polish migrants, especially on a local level, as well as their cultural belonging and social aspirations. The article is based on a 2-year multi-method study of migrant organisations across the United Kingdom that included surveys, interviews, and participant observation among civil society activists, experts, as well as civil servants.
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In the study, I present the contract characteristics of the project carried out by the special purpose vehicle in the Act on public-private partnership, along with elements of statistical effectiveness in this regard. I point out that the nature of the partnership agreement has the features of an unnamed agreement of a civil law nature, and the purpose of the SPV is aimed at one-off implementation of the agreed purpose of the parties’ activities with the possibility of further operation in the future. Moreover, I point out that, taking into account the statistical data for 2016–2020, the issue of the effectiveness of the contract for the project carried out by the special purpose vehicle in the Act on public-private partnership is still an assessment issue.
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After the events of 2014, the Ukrainian political elite, reacting to Putin's and Russia's use of the language issue as a pretext to ideologize their policies, engaged in increased Ukrainization. During this period, a number of laws were adopted in Kiev that progressively curtailed the rights of Russians and other minorities to use their mother tongue. In parallel with the promotion of the Ukrainian language, a political and information campaign has been launched which portrays the presence of a minority language (primarily Russian, of course) in the country as a threat to the language, the nation, and the existence of the state. At the same time, the state language law adopted in 2019 and its interpretation by the Constitutional Court have attached a symbolic meaning to the Ukrainian language, where the state language is an important guarantee of social integration, state security and the territorial integrity of the country. In this paper, we have shown how this was reflected in legal texts that were the defining and guiding documents of state language policy, and how propagandistic caricatures were used to support this ideology in the political press. The ideology of linguistic nationalism can be seen in the language policy of Ukraine after 2014, and this ideology is reflected in the cartoons that have been produced on the subject.
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This article discusses the great performance of the Azerbaijani Armed Forces in the Second Karabakh War, clarifies the features of Azerbaijan’s military operations typical of modern wars and explains the reasons for the victory from different perspectives and prisms. The article analyzes the military operations of the Azerbaijani Army in the Second Karabakh War through the spectrum of generational war theory and makes the case that it is a 5th generation war in the context of Western military history and a 6th generation war in the military history of Russia. According to the author, Azerbaijan’s victory was achieved due to the professional use of kinetic and non-kinetic capabilities. At the same time, the impact of this war on military tactics, operational art, military strategies, armaments programs and defense spending is undeniable.
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