Bibliografický súpis časopisu Slovenský národopis (1953 – 2002)
Bibliographic catalog of the magazine Slovenský národopis (1953 - 2002)
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Bibliographic catalog of the magazine Slovenský národopis (1953 - 2002)
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Vlastimil Havlík and Michal Nový research the results of the elections according to electoral districts (i.e. regions) and political parties in the fifth chapter. They discuss that, much like four years before, the Social Democrats won the elections; however, they also point out that along withthe Civic Democrats, ČSSD lost a significant amount of electoral supportat the regional level between 2008 and 2012. On the other hand, the Communists became the second strongest party, increasing their support in all thirteen regions. As a result, the political landscape of the Czech Republic was altered. In the Carlsbad and Ústí nad Labem Regions, the KSČM even claimed the top spot. At the same time, in the Pilsen Region, ODS was successful by virtue of putting Jiří Pospíšil, the former Minister of Justice, at the top of the ticket.
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Lenka Hrbková dedicates Chapter 9 to a look at executive coalitions associated with earlier established theoretical and methodological frameworks of analysis of coalitions in the political system of the Czech Republic. The goal was to examine the formation of individual coalitionsin the regions, followed by classifying them according to a typology using two criteria in combination: the number of coalition partners and their ideological proximity. This approach builds on previous research on coalitions after the 2008 elections, and on that basis attempts to corroborate the theory that shifts have begun to occur toward more ideologically similar coalitions and at the same time toward more frequent formations of minimum winning coalitions.
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The regional level of elections demonstrates that in spite of various anticipated limitations, it is possible to develop and refine concepts andresearch tools for parliamentary elections as well. Having 13 concurrent elections in a single political space offers an opportunity for researchers for synchronous comparison that otherwise does not exist. The authors of this monograph believe that this book will create an impetus to encourage further additional research on politics and society (not only) in the Czech Republic.
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Výběr kandidátů představuje jeden z nejvýznamnějších procesů, které politické strany uskutečňují v rámci příprav na volební soutěž. Vedle sestavení programu, přípravy kampaně či zajištění jejího financování musí svou pozornost orientovat i na předložení konkrétní personální nabídky voličům, kterou zpředmětňují samotné nominované osoby na listinách. Mechanismus jejich výběru přitom v jednotlivých stranách může probíhat odlišně, dokladem čehož jsou i volby do Poslanecké sněmovny PČR (srov. Spáč 2013).
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Preferenční hlasování bylo velkým tématem před volbami do Poslanecké sněmovny v roce 2010. Vznikla dokonce iniciativa Defenestrace2010.cz, která apelovala na voliče, aby „kroužkovali“ poslední čtyři kandidáty na jimi zvolené kandidátní listině a tím přispěli k personální obměně Sněmovny.
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Tato kapitola se věnuje studiu toho, jaké vlastnosti kandidáta vedly k jeho větší oblibě, respektive k většímu počtu preferenčních hlasů. Obsah textu je do značné míry replikací kapitoly na stejné téma, která byla součástí publikace ze stejné série, jako je tato kniha, o volbách do Poslanecké sněmovny v roce 2010.
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Následující kapitola navazuje na již tradiční výpočty, které od roku 1996 provázejí každou volební soutěž (viz např. Lebeda 1998; Lebeda1999; Lebeda 2004; Čaloud 2006; Šedo 2010). Jejich cílem je uspokojit zvědavost čtenáře, který se zamýšlí nad otázkou, jak by volby dopadly při jiných pravidlech, a zároveň posoudit, které strany těží ze současného volebního systému, či na něj naopak doplácejí.
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The paper deals with factors affecting hospital technical efficiency in the Czech Republic between the years 2008 and 2013, namely the existence of differences in average efficiency rate in the distribution according to the type, number of beds and location [Czech regions) of hospitals. Technical efficiency is analysed by means of data envelopment analysis (DEA) method.
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The goal of the paper is to investigate into technical efficiency exhibited by Slovak commercial banks and its changes over the period from 2000 to 2012. Under the premise of the intermediation approach to evaluating technical efficiency in banking and by dint of the decomposition based the Malmquist index, both efficiency changes and productivity changes are analysed and commented in order to draw conclusions relevant for managerial purposes and to macro-regulation of commercial banks.
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Most migration scholars treat Turkey as a country of emigration, a transit route, and a country of immigration for migrants and refugees from Eastern Europe, the Middle East and Africa (Erzan & Kirişci 2008; Içduygu & Kirişci 2009) or a country of settlement of co-ethnic, second generation immigrants from western European countries. By contrast, the movement and settlement of EU nationals of non-Turkish descent has attracted attention only recently (Içduygu et al 2013: 3; OECD 2014), although the phenomenon lies at the intersection of key political, economic and institutional developments both in the EU and in Turkey itself (Tolay 2012; Linden et al 2012). Obviously, one of the crucial dimensions is the processes of political and institutional reforms in Turkey upon its preparation for EU membership and the impact of such changes on the rights, preferences and migration strategies of foreign nationals in general and EU citizens in particular (Içduygu et al 2013: 6-16). Furthermore, the migration of EU citizens to Turkey offers an alternative and yet undiscovered angle to view the recent rise of identity and ethnicity politics in the EU member-states (Hsu 2010), the fluid and variable geometry of European borders and identities (Del Sarto 2010), and the resulting formation of conceptions of “the other”, both in the EU and in Turkey.
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Günümüzde yaşanan ekonomik ve sosyal değişimler, kişilerin veya ailelerin doğdukları yerlerden ayrılmalarına neden olmaktadır. Özellikle ülkemizin bulunduğu bölgede uzun yıllardır süregelen savaşlar, can güvenliği nedeniyle, bölge halkının komşu ülkelere göçünü zorunlu kılmıştır. Bu göçlerden en fazla etkilenen ülkelerin başında Türkiye gelmektedir.
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A year ago when reviewing the year 2018 in Slovak foreign policy on the Western Balkans I raised the question of whether it had been a lost year or a useful year. The answer was that while it had not been a breakthrough year, it should not be condemned either. Indeed, the European Commission had drafted a policy paper, “A credible enlargement perspective and enhanced EU engagement with the Western Balkans,” in which it stressed that EU membership was a “geostrategic investment in a stable, strong and united Europe based on common values.”
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Željko Obradović rođen je 1967. u Donjem Lapcu. Uspostavom ‘’SAO Krajine’’ bio je mobiliziran u krajinsku vojsku. U svibnju ‘95 su ga zbog kritiziranja srpskih političkih lidera uhitile krajinske vlasti pa je 22 dana zatvoren u zatvoru u Frkašiću. Nakon VRA Oluja s obitelji je otišao u izbjeglištvo u Srbiju. Iz Srbije je pokušavao s obitelji otići u ‘’treće zemlje’’, no kako nije uspio, 1999. odlučio je vratiti se u Hrvatsku. Nakon rata aktivirao se u lokalnoj politici kao član SDSS-a. Danas živi s obitelji u Donjem Lapcu i zauzima se za prava srpske nacionalne manjine.
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Kad me je 26. srpnja 2005. nazvala Irena Kustura iz Večernjeg lista, Filozofski fakultet u Zagrebu bio je uglavnom prazan. Iznenađen sam tonom, bojom glasa. „Vi ste jedan od autora separata koji su mnogi povjesničari ocijenili jako, jako lošim. Kako to možete komentirati?" pita. Takvu je ocjenu na tribini HVIDRA-e u Zagrebu, jednom od brojnih sličnih okupljanja koja su se održavala uoči desete obljetnice Oluje, iznio moj kolega dr. Josip Jurčević, povjesničar iz Instituta društvenih znanosti „Ivo Pilar". Iznenađen sam, ali nešto slično smo ionako očekivali. Jurčević nije bio uključen u nijednu dionicu ovoga projekta. Tijekom izrade Dodatka s državnim tajnikom dr. Nevijem Šetićem dogovorili smo se da mi ne govorim o ništa. Ministarstvo će biti to koje će zaštititi nas, projekt, sebe kao naručitelja.
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In this paper we want to show the conditioned action of trade unions accepted by the non - alternative ideology of neoliberalism, in the Serbian variant of wild capitalism. The activities of the trade union are not directed towards the deconstruction of established economic and social relations, but towards finding rational solutions within the mentioned non-alternative ideology of neoliberalism. Even in such circumstances, the union is exposed to ideological criticism from two, ideologically opposed positions. First, from the position of the right, where any state interference in the form of social benefits »drugs the system« and thus nurtures a culture of dependence where unions are consequently criticized because they protect the interests of these »dependent« social groups. Second, from the position of the far left, the unions are accused of collaborating with big capital and thus accepting inhumane economic and social relations in which workers are disenfranchised.
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Many local monographs were published in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period between 2001 and 2017. Most of the monographs were related to villages, while the monographs of cities were somewhat less represented. Local history data also includes monographs on schools, businesses, sports clubs, cultural and artistic societies and families. This paper analyses the monographs from the western and northern parts of our country (Bosnian Krajina and Posavina). Local monographs seem to be increasingly popular and are read more than scholarly works in general and national history. Many local monographs at the same time do not deliver particularly high quality. Moreover, the quality of most of these monographs could be described as average or even below that. The problem is that local monographs are mostly written by persons who are not historians nor have any foundation in history criticism. Usually these authors do not distinguish between their sources and literature. Works by most of them do not have a critical apparatus in the form of notes, and their records can hardly be verified. Sometimes there is not even a list of sources and literature, and if there is one, it is modest at best, while their archival work is unknown. Wherever historians were hired as authors or co-authors, these local monographs are of much better quality. Similar can be said of those monographs whose reviewers were historians. Therefore, most local monographs have historiographic significance but not greater scientific value. The necessity of systematic study of local history imposes itself as the solution, where the best course of action would be to engage historians, especially young and talented researchers who have distinguished themselves during their undergraduate studies or have successfully completed master studies in history, and yet are jobless in their profession. This would create a dual benefit: we would get better quality monographs of villages and cities and, for the most part, would solve the problem of unemployed historians, who are increasingly present in the labour market. This would be a job for a municipal or city historian, who would not only do the work of writing local monographs, but also other tasks in the sphere of public and cultural life of the municipality or city in which they live. In order to realize this noble idea, it is necessary to have joint approach of the departments, faculties, universities, museums, archives, academies, or associations towards the institutions of government. Furthermore, greater engagement is needed in the future in order to ensure better study of local history in schools. The implementation of this idea would bring multiple benefits – greater knowledge of students about the past of their homeplaces and securing a teaching standard, with the possibility of hiring those history professors who do not work in their profession.
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Although the Dayton Peace Agreement respects the ethnic, religious and cultural multilateralism of Bosnian-Herzegovinian society, in relation to the pre-war period, this multilateralism has undergone radical changes. In addition to the suffering of many people during the war and the massive forced displacement of population both to other countries, and within Bosnia and Herzegovina, negative demographic-structural trends have continued in the post-war period. There was a drastic fall in the birth rate, an increase in mortality and the average age of the local populace, emigration of young people of fertile age continued, as well as the emptying of rural areas, and the uncontrolled influx of population to urban centres that cannot provide the appropriate conditions for life. There was a deterioration of the earlier (pre-war) ethnological diversity of the society that characterized it throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina, and which, as a civilizational treasure, developed in this area over centuries. There was a territorial re-constitution of this country, whereby natural traits of the regions and subregions were disregarded, ie. geosystems, especially in terms of the entity demarcation, and in some cantons in the Federation of BiH. There was rather insistence on conquering and “appropriation” of certain territories only for one of the peoples that live in this country.
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Podaci o radno sposobnom i radno aktivnom stanovništvu pokazuju visok stepen radno neaktivnog stanovništva, što implicira nedovoljno razvijene privredne aktivnosti u BiH. Visok je procent penzionera u odnosu na zaposlene. Nezaposlenost se kreće oko 25 % u prosjeku i kao takva je među najvišima u Evropi.
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