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4.50 €

Siromaštvo kao odrednica privrednog razvoja u Bosni i Hercegovini (1945-1950)

Author(s): Vera Katz / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Most of the archival materials relating to the era of socialist development of Bosnia and Herzegovina are held at the Archive of Bosnia and Herzegovina. With access to these historical sources it is possible to understand the deep poverty and misery of Bosnian-Herzegovinian society after the Second World War. By consulting these sources, the author aims to complete the historical picture on this period, which is missing from the previous research in the Bosnian historiography.

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Bosna i Hercegovina u vrtlogu

Author(s): Robert J. Donia / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

In the past six decades, English-language accounts of the Second World War in Bosnia and Herzegovina have evolved, starting with the perspective of Allied strategic military interests and moving toward an understanding of the conflict as a struggle among regional actors. In the late wartime years, English readers saw the Second World War largely through the portal of Allied military observers who visited Tito or Mihailović. Early postwar scholarly accounts of the war echoed English readers’ obsession with the gargantuan military struggle and the reasons for Allied victory. Since then, English-language histories have increasingly drawn upon the voluminous documentary record and emphasized the role of the national question in the course and outcome of the war. Some authors have adopted a regional approach and focused principally on the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The quality of recent histories is excellent, but there is a lamentable absence of social history in these works, and horrible fate of the Jews in the Second World War has all but disappeared from more recent accounts.

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Najnoviji pogledi na Drugi svjetski rat u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Husnija Kamberović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

This work examines the criticism surrounding Rasim Hurem’s 1973 study on the NOP (National Liberation Movement) in eastern Bosnia. Kamberović argues that as a direct consequence to the controversy surrounding Hurem’s study, the Bosnian historiography on the Second World War has grown static. He notes that criticisms of Hurem’s work, which need to be understood in the broader political context of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 1970s, essentially disavowed any scholarship on the Second World War that did not fit with the general narrative of the wartime victors. Afterwards, scholars lost the courage to introduce new works that provide different perspectives of the war or to address different wartime themes.

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Historijske refleksije antifašističkog rata u Makedoniji u makedonskoj historiografiji 1991-2005. godine

Author(s): Marjan Dimitrijevski / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

In the past decade, Macedonian historiography has been enriched by new studies that offer scholarly and thoughtful interpretations of the Macedonian struggle against fascism (NOAR) and its role in the larger coalition against fascism. This scholarship adheres to the principles and methodologies used in contemporary European and Balkan history, adopting a healthy and critical spirit to objectively and impartially examine the subject. Dimitrijevski traces how this scholarship is leading in new directions for the general understanding of the Macedonian anti-fascist movement. In doing so, he notes that this historiography is critical to the development of Macedonia’s national identity, national consciousness, and inter-community relations as well as for issues of human rights, democracy, freedom, equality, peace, and tolerance in the region.

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Masakri i genocid počinjeni u Drugom svjetskom ratu i ponovno otkrivanje žrtava

Author(s): Tea Sindbaek / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

It seems to be a common tendency of the historiography of the Second World War in Yugoslavia and several other countries that certain types of victimisation were left out of history writing for several decades. Particularly experiences of defenceless and humiliated victims were apparently too shameful and painful to be conceived for a long period after the war. From the 1970s and particularly in the 1980s, however, massacres and victims became central in historiography and popular history in Yugoslavia and elsewhere. While this is probably partly the result of a necessary distance in time, it seems also to accompany a change in international discourse, which ascribes moral and symbolic esteem to the role of victims. Yugoslav historiography naturally had its particular characteristics. There were ideological imperatives, some of which would have been similar to those of other socialist countries, while others were indeed special for Yugoslavia: The need to emphasise an autochthonous revolution independent of the Soviet Union, a history of brutal violence and strong antagonisms between different groups within Yugoslavia, the changing political climates, not least following Tito’s death. Nevertheless the similarities in the developments of Second World War historiography in Yugoslavia and elsewhere are striking. Therefore I believe that Yugoslav historiography has participated in and been influenced by these common tendencies. In the Yugoslav case the heroic deeds of the partisans remained the positive focus of World War II history into the 1970s. When finally genocide and victims’ suffering entered the historians’ agenda in the 1980s, however, these issues formed a particularly powerful theme within history and public debate. This was partly because re-evaluation of this historic period also meant rethinking of the background of the political system, and partly because reviving these gruesome historic experiences would inevitably influence national relations among the Yugoslav peoples.

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Oni su 1945. odstupili

Author(s): Omer Hamzić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

This work attempts to clarify the complex and loaded meanings behind the phrase “They who retreated in 1945,“ which is still used in the Gračanica area. First, Hamzić explains the concept of “retreat.” After establishing the truth of the fates of the individuals who fall in this category, he works to demystify them. He notes that while there is little need to rehabilitate these people today, there is a historical need to understand them. Indeed, when we analyze this category, the question of liberation and occupation in April and May 1945 seems redundant. Hamzić analyzes the people and goals behind the “fabrication” of this term and the purpose it served. He concludes that it is imperative to clarify this debate because it continues to effect Bosnian families today.

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Bosanskohercegovački Hrvati za vrijeme Drugog svjetskog rata (kao dio hrvatskog nacionalnog korpusa)

Author(s): Ivo Goldstein / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

In this article, the author examines the changes that occurred within the Bosnian and Herzegovinian Croatian community during the Second World War that led individuals to sympathize with different warring factions. Although the entire Croatian nation gradually joined the Partisan cause, this process happened more quickly in the coastal regions of Istria and Dalmatia and several smaller Croatian inland areas. For a number of reasons the Bosnian and Herzegovinian Croats lagged behind their Croatian counterparts in joining the Partisan movement. Except for individuals who had been Communists in the pre-war period, Bosnian and Herzegovinian Croats did not side with the Partisans until the autumn of 1943. After that point, the number of Croats in the Partisans steadily increased until the end of the war.

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Posljednji mjeseci ratnog perioda: Sarajevska Iskustva

Author(s): Emily Greble Balić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

In this article, Emily Balić examines social conditions in Sarajevo during the final months of World War II. By January 1945, a constellation of factors including the Croatian state’s inability to monitor local governments or distribute resources; the German occupation; and the refugee crisis created by the Yugoslav civil war, had rendered Sarajevo’s local government nearly bankrupt and totally ineffective. To fill this leadership void, private clubs and societies (“društva”) took over important social services. The društva had their own financial and material resources from membership dues, private donations, and the strategic takeover of property and businesses during the war. Run by small groups of community elites with close ties to local politicians and religious leaders, the društva had access to thousands of Sarajevans through religious, cultural, and political circles. They organized schools, lectures, and exams, distributed food, and built and maintained refugee camps and children’s homes. Moreover, they were the principal liaison between Sarajevo’s citizens and the government, a position they used to shape local policy, mold public attitudes, and preserve social mores and conservative values as the war drew to a close. When the Communist Partisans arrived in Sarajevo, they allowed many of the društva (albeit with new leadership) to continue their work in the city in order to maintain order. Thus, the društva served as an important bridge from fascism to Communism and from the dying Independent State of Croatia to the emerging Yugoslavia.

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O nekim aspektima obrazovno-odgojne politike Narodnooslobodilačkog pokreta na području Bosne i Hercegovine (1941-1945)

Author(s): Azem Kožar / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

The educative and pedagogical politics of National-Liberation Movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina (as a part of Yugoslovenian Movement initiated and run by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia) in a period 1941-1945, was based on the idea of National-Liberation Movement, that included: equality, brotherhood and unity of its peoples, established on a secular atheistic basis. When compared to the pre-war monarchically Yugoslavian politics, particulary the educative and pedagogical politics of the Independent country of Croatia that was simultaneously implemanted in the unliberated teritory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, it was a radical new turning point. However because of the war-winnibg euphoria it attached too much importance to the role and aims of National-Liberation Movement, as well as to the tole of the Party and personality. Its attitude towards orther issuses from far and near past of Bosnia and Herzegovina was very superficial. These and other characteristics, mostly obtained from the experience of the Soviet Union, bacame prominent in history lessons. Not even the after-war (socialistic) educative and pedagogical politics managed to get rid of the inherited deficiencies from the ear until the beginning of 1980s. Then the new curricula of history issues were formed as a result of a gradual process of releasing Bosnian historiography from the shackles of politics and ideology.

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Počinje li 1945. zapravo 1917.? – Historikerstreit

Author(s): Tihomir Cipek / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

In recognition of the 1986 debate termed the ≪Historikerstreit,≫ an attempt will be made to analyze and discuss the thesis of the German historian Ernst Nolte, wherein the Bolshevik revolution of 1917 is seen as directly responsible for the emergence of Nazism and the Second World War, and its consequences in 1945. The article will show all the relevant points in the debate with emphasis paid to the conclusions of Ernst Nolte, Andreas Hillgruber, Jurgen Habermas, Ernst Jackel and Stefan Merl. The debate was conducted around three questions: first, did Nazi concentration camps represent a unique crime which cannot be compared to any other mass crime in history, or, should they be compared to the Bolshevik Gulags. Second, should Hitler≪s invasion of the USSR be interpreted as preventative defense or as a racially motivated war. Third, can the fierce defense the Germans put up against the Red Army in 1945 be interpreted as a defense of the concentration camps or as a patriotic act, that is to say, can we describe the Soviet invasion of Germany in 1945 as a liberation? This review and analysis of the 1986 debate among German historians is seen as an interpretation of the ties between communist and Nazi totalitarianism, the notion of ≪revisionism≫ in historical sciences, and the influence of historiography on the formation of democratic political culture. The debate demonstrated the unavoidable political function of historical scholarship which creates differing interpretations of the same events from the past and sheds light on important methodological terms of reference in historiography. The author concluded that 1945 did not begin in 1917; while Bolshevik terror may precede Nazi terror chronologically, it does not do so causally.

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Uloga Ozne u preuzimanju vlasti u Hrvatskoj 1945.

Author(s): Zdenko Radelić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

This paper analyzes the work of the Odjeljenje za zaštitu naroda (OZN – Department of National Defense), the information and intelligence service of the Yugoslavian Armed Forces under the leadership and full control of the Communist Party, in the takeover of government after the conquest of designated areas in the territory of Croatia, especially the larger cities. In the period which preceded the takeover of government, the OZN placed the greatest emphasis on the collection of information about the condition of its enemies and potential opponents, the assignments of the most important officers of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) and the Ustaša organization, the members of the Croat Peasant Party (HSS) and other political parties, the supporters of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and collaborators of the Third Reich, as well as the disposition of units of the NDH and the Third Reich. It especially monitored the disposition of units in cities, their streets and buildings and plans of defense. One section of the OZN produced a file listing those who were to be arrested and have their property seized. In cooperation with other state institutions of Federal Croatia, it elaborated plans for the operation of state and municipal bodies and productive and service organizations, in order to ensure the uninterrupted flow of daily life. At the end of the war and during the consolidation of the new government, the most attention was paid to the HSS and the Intelligence Service of Great Britain. The work is based on the reports of the OZN, which are held at the Croatian State Archive.

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Poslijeratni komunistički sustav i javno ponašanje

Author(s): Ljubomir Antić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The author directs his attention at the public behaviour of individuals and groups within the context of the totalitarian communist system of Socialist Yugoslavia. In imitation of the Soviet system, the postwar communist regime in Yugoslavia had as its goal the total control and direction of society and individuals. Proceeding uncompromisinly it killed every hope of the possibility of change. Constructing a closed society, the system did not create the opportunity for choice. From the middle of 1945, those who did not accept a totalitarian Yugoslavian government as their own, in order to survive, had to adapt. The most common form was to act under false pretenses: individuals kept their own convictions to themselves, but out of oportunism they presented themselves in public according to the demands of the ≪new times.≫ The new situation was especially reflected in family life. Double upbringing: private at home and public in kindergarten and school, was a common occurence in this era. Religion, but also spirituality in general, were relegated to family and church (sacristy). Artists were especially challenged to conform to the official style – socialist realism. Public manners and style came under the powerful influence of the ruling ideology. Official unidimensional reality fell upon human spirits like a uniform grayness. People lived in the same gray apartment blocks in identical apartments. The village too had to accept on uniformity. In creating the new man, weak as he was, the citizen had to surrender to the subject, and the integral person to the homo duplex, or the man without a chest.

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Ideologijska rekonstrukcija hrvatskog antifašizma : primjer Istre

Author(s): Darko Dukovski / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Antifascism in Istria is a complex historical and political phenomenon which carries within itself various social, national, cultural and political motives. It is not ideogically and politically, nor socially and nationally, unique. It was not a unique movement, not even among a group of politically active citizens. From its origins at the beginning of the 1920s, it contained a wide panoply of motives, aims and social supporters. Antifascism in Istria was at the same time urban and rural, Italian and Croatian-Slovenian, clerical and atheist, anti-communist and pro-communist. In such variety antifascism appears in Istria almost at the same time as the establishment of the first fascist organizations. It appeared first of all in opposition to fascist violence, and afterward as opposition to the violent national assimilation of Istrian Croats as well as opposition to social and class oppression. Its motives and activities overlap and achieve fuller expression. Even in the two greatest instances of armed antifascist uprising that occurred in the prewar era, the Republic of Labin and the revolt in Proština, both in 1921, these components are interwoven. It can be concluded that Istrian antifascist resistance was a constant which appeared relatively early, before fascism came to power, in rather varied forms and among various social, national and political factors which would significantly influence the political life of interwar Istria, but also the period of the war in which the most important social and politcal turning point occurred. Croatian antifascism was especially united during World War Two and despite minor disturbances remained committed to the same course of struggle against fascism and promotion of national unification and liberation. It was only after the liberation that it split along the lines of reaction to the communist (Bolshevik) system and the issue of relations with the Catholic Church.

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Između kralja, poglavnika i maršala

Author(s): Tvrtko Jakovina / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The author attempts to situate that watershed year that concluded the Second World War in the context of world history and show what it meant for the development of Croatia and Yugoslavia. He focusses on the relations among the Allies regarding the disagreement concerning Tito, especially the plans from the end of 1943 to the beginning of 1944 in which Ivan Šubašić was to be inserted in Croatian territory in order to influence Croat Peasant Party sympathizers to transfer their allegiance to the ≪Partisan flag≫, as recorded in the documents of the British Foreign Office. From 1944, Ivan Šubašić was the key element in the British and American governments≫ attempt to decommunize the character of Josip Broz’s Partisan movement and ensure a multiparty, democratic and federal consitutional monarchy in Yugoslavia. Josip Broz Tito determined matters on the ground; he was unwilling to accept the decisions made between Moscow and London, or those in Yalta, although he was not entirely negative. In addition, the author points out the Soviet strategy for the gradual communization of Eastern Europe, as well as the American consent to Moscow obtaining a security zone along the borders of the USSR, and how this pertains to the circumstances in Yugoslavia. The relations within the Independent State of Croatia and the relations of Hitler and Pavelić were unimportant to the political solution of Croatia’s or Yugoslavia’s future.

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Politika komunističkog režima u Jugoslaviji prema vjerskim zajednicama 1945. godine

Author(s): Miroslav Akmadža / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

During 1945 important changes in the status o religious communities occurred, first in the territories under Partisan control, and after the conclusion of the war, in the whole territory of the newly established communist state of Yugoslavia. Compared to the previous regime, the policy of the communist government toward religious communities changed in important ways, which resulted in distrust among religious communities toward the new leadership. Fear of the new regime’s policies as far as religion and religious communities were concerned was quickly realized, as it set about making a harsh account of the leaders of the most numerous religious communities, along with the clergy in general.

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Saveznički izbjeglički logori počeci otpora hrvatske političke emigracije komunističkom režimu u domovini / logor Fermo/

Author(s): Berislav Jandrić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

After the collapse of the Independent State of Croatia and the unsuccessful surrender to the Allies at Bleiburg, many Croats found safe shelter in the Allied refugee camps in Austria, Italy, Germany, and so on. After getting over the initial period of shock, the Croatian political emigration began to organize, drawing up plans to take action to bring down the communist regime in the homeland and reestablish the Independent State. Camp Fermo in Italy, even if by land the furthest distance from the homeland, was the center which held the greatest number of Croatian intellectuals, emigrants, and also individuals of other social classes who were the first proponents and organizers of opposition to the existing communist regime in Yugoslavia.

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Izvještaji Zemaljske komisije za utvrđivanje zločina okupatora i njihovih pomagača na području Bjelovara od 1944. do 1947. godine

Author(s): Martina Grahek Ravančić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The Moscow Conference at which the Decree concering war crimes was tabled, as well as the creation of the International Commission for War Crimes, spurred the establishment of the State Commission for the Confirmation of the crimes of the Occupiers and their assistants on 20 October 1943 in London. Its mandate was to control the work of the National Commissions. This article is based on archival materials which analyze the organization and activity of the National Commission for the Confirmation of the crimes of the Occupiers and Collaborators in the environs of Bjelovar in the period from 1944 to 1947. The documents collected attempt to establish the crimes committed against Serbs, Jews, Roma and other individuals from the environs of Bjelovar during the time of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH). Many functionaries of the NDH regime and members of judicial institutions are named as perpetrators responsible for the crimes.

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Uloga muzičkog folklora u spoljnoj politici Socijalističke Jugoslavije 1950–1952.

Author(s): Ivan S. Hofman / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The conflict with Cominform in 1948 was a turning point in the history of socialist Yugoslavia. In complete isolation and difficult economic crisis, after initial vacillation and desire to prove its Stalinist orthodoxy Yugoslavia has started to seek new ways in the development of socialism, on the basis of its own revolutionary experience. On the foreign policy plan, its diplomatic activity was aimed toward restoration of previously severed ties with the West, in an effort to get necessary aid from this side and thus free itself from the heavy pressure of the USSR and its satellites. Musical folklore got its place in the new foreign-policy orientation of Yugoslavia. In the 1950–1952 period the Government of the FPRY sent leading professional and certain amateur folklore groups to competitions and tours in the West lasting several weeks, and in September 1951 organized an international congress of ethnomusicologists in Opatija. The government of the FPRY regarded tours of folklore ensembles and the international congress as one of the means to overcome isolation of the country, as well as a way to present Yugoslavia as a new leader of international labour movement, after the Soviet communists, as it was believed, betrayed fundamental principles of Marxism and international proletarian solidarity.

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Устременият

Author(s): Ivan Mitev / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

In this article is being discussed the life of Prof, Kamen Garenov, alaso known as Father Peter Garena to his friends. In it are described some of the problems he encountered in life. Often he has been brought to the point of physical survival. After his ordination in 1990 he undertook a number of dangerous missions in lands inhabited by Bulgarians that were outside the borders of the country. Lands such as the Western Outlands (now in Serbia), Bessarabia, the territories around the Sea of Azov and such around Bitolja, among others. Besides being an author of articles and scholar papers and lecturer at Plovdiv Unversity, Father Garena was also an artist, writer and builder. He restored the abandoned church "St. George" in the town of Kurdzhali, himself taking part in the construction, and he frequently used unorthodox methods for helping people to follow the path of their spiritual revival.

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Леврентий Павлович Бериа - технократ и реформатор

Author(s): Boiko Belegov / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

Joseph Stalin died on 05.03.1953. The lack of legitimate mechanisms for the transfer of power caused a continuous crisis related to a heated struggle for his heritage. The fate of the country fell into the hands of the people who were Stalin's closest associates. The most powerful positions were held by G. Malenkov, L. Beria and Nikita Khrushchev. Having abundant information about the situation in the country and heading the Interior Ministry of the USSR, Beria concentrated enormous power in his hands. He, however, had no intention of fighting any of Stalin's "heirs". Beria realized that the established collective leadership, in which there was a certain system of equality, was the most favourable for the implementation of the reforms he had devised. The new documents published from the declassified archives reveal that he became actively involved in both domestic and foreign policy. Beria's reformist activity was doomed from the very beginning. His activity and unpredictability at the solution of the tasks set forth made him a deadly dangerous competition in the eyes of Malenkov, Khrushchev and the other loyal associates of Stalin. The factor that united them was the fear of the "man with the pince-nez". He knew too much about them. The practice from previous years showed them that the most convenient way in which they could dispose of the dangerous adversary was his complete discreditation before the party and the people, and his physical removal.

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