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4.50 €

(Ne)legitimni revizionizam: pravo i (pseudo)istoriografske revizije na zapadu i istoku

Author(s): Vladimir P. Petrović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The contribution is analyzing the legal aspects of historiographical revisionism, in an attempt to highlight the role of the courts in delineating between legitimate historical reevaluation of the past and the denial of essential historical facts, the latter being referred to as negationsim. The experience of Western countries in combating negationism through criminalisation of various forms of denial of mass crimes or through the civil litigation is juxtaposed to the confused postotalitarian dynamics in Eastern Europe and its anarchic reception in the region of the former Yugoslavia.

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(Re)konstrukcija suvremene hrvatske / jugoslavenske povijesti u pregledima / sintezama nakon 1991. godine

Author(s): Damir Agičić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The author concentrates on the treatment of contemporary Croatian/Yugoslav history in several monographs, overviews, and summaries of Croatian history published over the past ten years. In addition, he completes a short re¬view of research on contemporary history included in the scientific-historical projects financed by the Republic of Croatia’s Ministry of Science, Education, and Sport. He concludes that when guided exclusively by scholarly criteria, the matrix of Croatian historiography is developing in a satisfactory manner.

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“Šegrti u školi života’’ ili “čekači u životnoj čekaonici’’, detinjstvo u Federativnoj Narodnoj Republici Jugoslaviji

Author(s): Sanja Petrović Todosijević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The author describes the fate of German children who in 1946 were taken from detention camps for Germans in Vojvodina and assigned to orphanages across Yugoslavia. The case study serves as an illustrative example of the particularities of the “new” Yugoslav movement that commenced after the Second World War. The author explores the dynamic transformations that occurred in internal affairs and in the realm of gender politics.

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Komunizam i represija : Sud narodne časti u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Vera Katz / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

On the day of Sarajevo’s liberation, the new government established a court to prosecute crimes and offenses committed against Serbs, Muslims, and Croats in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. On May 26, 1945, a law was passed on the court’s organizational structure and proceedings. The court functioned until the middle of August 1945, at which point the President of the People’s Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina closed it. Although the court was short-lived, its revolutionary character had a significant effect on society by removing real and alleged “enemies of the people.” As a political ploy, the court publicly targeted certain bourgeoisie groups and Catholic clergy. The sentences it handed down reflected its political mission. It punished political rivals by removing their civil rights, thus eliminating competition at elections. It used sentences of forced labor to isolate and remove individuals from the community and strategically confiscated property and disinherited people to increase the state’s assets. This theme is just now being addressed, sixty years after the court’s existence.

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Britanski pogled na Hrvatsku 1945.: politika i društvo

Author(s): Katarina Spehnjak / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Diplomatic relations between Britain and Yugoslavia in 1945 encapsulated all their past and future conflicts: traditional British orientation and interests as opposed to a pragmatism dictated by political realism and the evolution of Yugoslavian politics equally conditioned by its dominant factor – the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) and its position as a small country at a time of global turmoil. At the end of the war British and Allied Military interest became less important in the face of a new geopolitical strategy which rested on the division of Europe and the world into two blocks. Even if at the time he decided to support Tito and the Partisans Churchill believed that it was not important if they wanted to introduce Communism – because the British ≪‘won’t be living there’≫ – in 1945 it was characterized by this factor. This can be seen in terms of the questions of support for UNRRA, the Tito – Šubašić, the problem of Istria and Trieste, and the extradition of war crimes. Yugoslavia, in an effort to obtain international recognition of the NOP (Narodnooslobodilački pokret – National Liberation Movement) accepted concessions in internal-political matters which in any case were quickly shown to be temporary. Although politically within the orbit of the USSR, the new Yugoslavia did not receive support from it on some critical foreign-political issues. When the resignation of minister Ivan Šubašić, the British trump card, occurred on the eve of the elections to the Constituent Assembly of the new Yugoslavia, and when the opposition – disabled by the regime but also by internal divisions – declined to engage in a political struggle, Britain, after experiencing initial discomfort at the unexpected turn of events, decided not to break off relations with Yugoslavia. Nonetheless, in solving certain future problems, Britain retained elements of its earlier policy. In British diplomatic reports Croatia, along with Serbia, was the main ≪≫bulwark of opposition,≫≫ especially important in this regard were the Croat Peasant Party, the Catholic Church, and the peasantry as powerful forces. The estimation that support for the new government was somewhere between 10-20% conflicts with the strong electoral showing of the National Front. Even if repression by the regime is held to play a large role in this support, the avoidance tactics and lost opportunities on the part of opposition leaders reveal a number of characteristic political and cultural stereotypes, from which the leaders of the communists are not immune either. The bulk of this article rests on this issue.

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Mařenickej svět je jinej

Author(s): Adam Hošek / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

The article explores the formative period of the Czech underground in the mid 1970s as portrayed by a lesser known book Mařenická kniha by Pavel Zajíček. It presents its distinct point of view of the whole process and draws basic comparison with other influential ways in which underground’s semiotic space was being described.The article explores the formative period of the Czech underground in the mid 1970s as portrayed by a lesser known book Mařenická kniha by Pavel Zajíček. It presents its distinct point of view of the whole process and draws basic comparison with other influential ways in which underground’s semiotic space was being described.

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INTRODUCTION A L'EDITION FRANÇAISE

Author(s): Antonin J. Liehm / Language(s): French Publication Year: 0

Au moment où le « Printemps de Prague » atteignait son apogée, je reçus à la rédaction des Literarni Listy la visite d’un communiste italien, venu au nom d’une importante maison d’édition proche du Parti communiste italien. U m’expliqua que les commu­nistes et les gens de gauche, en Italie, s'intéressaient vivement au déroulement des événements de Tchécoslovaquie et considéraient que l'expérience tchécoslovaque présentait un intérêt exceptionnel pour une perspective socialiste européenne. Us suivaient assidû­ment les extraits de la presse tchécoslovaque qui leur parvenaient en traduction, ce qui avait suscité, tout particulièrement dans les milieux intellectuels, le désir de mieux connaître, et si possible dans sa teneur intégrale, le contenu des discussions de principe qui se déroulaient dans les pages des Literarni Listy.

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LES OUVRIERS ET LE PROCESSUS DE DEMOCRATISATION

Author(s): Igor Tomeš / Language(s): French Publication Year: 0

On demande souvent si le processus de démocratisation profite aux ouvriers ? La politique antérieure leur avait, dit-on, apporté une chose fondamentale, qui était — en gros — la sécurité sociale. C'est là une question sérieuse.

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DIALOGUE

Author(s): Jiri Mucha / Language(s): French Publication Year: 0

Il y a plusieurs semaines, et même en réalité encore plus, que notre gouvernement s’essaye, avec les résultats qu’on connaît, à avoir un dialogue avec les tenants d'opinions, qui, soit dit par eu­phémisme, ne regardent pas notre évolution avec compréhension. Notre gouvernement s’efforce de leur démontrer, avec l'appui massif des moyens d’informations, que ce qui se passe chez nous n’est pas la contre-révolution, que l’organisateur de tout cela n’est pas Bonn, etc. Et à, son chagrin, et peut-être aussi, à son étonnement, il ne rencontre que des oreilles sourdes et n’entend que des réponses qui semblent provenir d'habitants de la planète Mars.

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LA GUERRE DES NERFS

Author(s): Antonin J. Liehm / Language(s): French Publication Year: 0

Chacun, s'il connaît quelque chose du monde et s’il l'a parcouru dans ces derniers mois avec des yeux pas tout à fait aveugles, confirmera que la Tchécoslovaquie est l'un des pays les plus tran­quilles d'Europe. Et il ne s’agit pas d’un calme apparent, en surface. La Tchécoslovaquie est un pays où, en comparaison avec l’époque d'avant janvier, la tension s'est nettement relâchée, à l’intérieur de la société, et où le processus de la normalisation, englobant aussi le mécanisme interne de différenciation des opinions politiques, se poursuit d'une façon que quelqu'un a récemment comparé à « une récréation ».

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LE PETIT ET LE GRAND

Author(s): Milan Kundera / Language(s): French Publication Year: 0

Lorsqu'au cours de la première matinée du IVe Congrès des écrivains, Pavel Kohout se mit à lire la lettre de Soljenistyne dans laquelle ce grand héritier de Tolstoï décrit le sort tragique de la littérature soviétique dans les conditions du stalinisme et du néosta­linisme, Jiri Hendrych, assis au premier rang, à la tribune, se rem­brunit, enfila sa veste par dessus sa chemise blanche ornée de bretelles et s’en alla en chancelant. Au fond de la tribune, où nous avions pris place, Prochazka, Lustig et moi, il dit encore cette parole historique : « Vous avez tout perdu, vous avez tout perdu... » et il quitta la séance.

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TITO ! TITO ! TITO !

Author(s): Antonin J. Liehm / Language(s): French Publication Year: 0

Le génie populaire est insondable et on ne peut pas prédire avec sûreté quel chemin il prendra. Par exemple, l’improvisation de la troisième cour du Château de Prague, le vendredi 9 août, ce slogan né instantanément et scandé: Dubcek ! Tito ! Svoboda ! a tel­lement de signification qu'on ne pourrait le faire tenir dans la plu­part des documents préparés longtemps à l'avance et hautement considérés. Le triomphe pragois de Tito n’a pas été seulement — et loin s'en faut, cette fois-ci, un remboursement pour le passé. Ce fut un triomphe qui aurait pu et qui aurait dû être, déjà une se­maine auparavant, celui de Dubcek.

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Vodice između križa i zvijezde

Author(s): Stipe Kljajić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Due to the part it played during the wartime Partisan movement and its prewar Communist experience the town of Vodice became an important stronghold in the district of Šibenik on the road toward the creation of a tradition which was founded on communist ideology, brotherhood and unity, and partisan struggle. In such circumstances a conflict grew between the Catholic Church and the Communist Party in this Dalmatian peasant town following the Second World War. Along the lines of this campaign exemplified by the events of Good Friday 1948, the polarization of its inhabitants is analyzed around two massive gatherings (procession and kolo). The clash of these two gatherings, which served to represent the power and social mobilization of the conflicting forces, took place in the ambiance of the small and narrow kaleta of Vodice and its fields which added to the atmosphere of tension and animosity. Such an atmosphere was channelled in postwar Vodice into a long doctrinal conflict between two institutions and traditions and in some sense symbolically personified not only Vodice’s, but also Croatia’s and indeed a universal experience of their conflict. In this regard, the clash in Vodice coincided with the zenith of their conflict which was expressed in the anti-Church character of the communist regimes in Eastern Europe and in the potential expansion of communism to Italy, the centre of the Catholic Church. As far as the doctrinal differences between Catholicism, or the Church and communist traditions are concerned, they represented a particular segment of the general collision of the Church with “modernism’’. However, unlike other ‘’modernist ideas or ideologies’’, communist tradition was specific and distinct because of its ultra-radical animosity toward the Church and Catholicism, and Christianity in general.

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Razilaženja u SKJ – marginalizacija Vicka Krstulovića

Author(s): Josip Mihaljević / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

On the basis of existing literature and previously unknown source material, this article examines the work of politician Vicko Krstulović. Born in Split in 1905, he died there in 1988. His life followed an interesting path; from a worker in a rock quarry he reached the highest positions in government and the Communist Party. However, his activities from the late 1960s until his death are not well known, especially in the historiography. During this period an number of important historical-political changes took place, but through all of these events Krstulović, a man with the longest record of service in the Communist Party of Croatia, was not mentioned. Differences of opinion with Vladimir Bakarić, as well as other highly positioned members of the Communist Party, led to Krstulović’s marginalization. Especially after his declaration at the Fifth Party Congress of the Communist Party of Croatia in 1965, he was discreetly removed from significant roles in government. This author also analyzes Krstulović’s earlier conflicts with the Communist Parties of Croatia and Yugoslavia and points out certain unresolved issues.

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Jugoslovenska politička emigracija i disidentstvo u Jugoslaviji (Podrška Saveza “Oslobodjenje’’ demokratskoj opoziciji)

Author(s): Mira Radojević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

In the history of the postwar Yugoslavian emigration, most often formed on antidemocratic, anti-Yugoslav, anti-Serbian, anti-Croatian, monarchist, or antimonarchist lines, and generally right-wing in orientation, the League “Oslobodjenje” [freedom] belonged to the smallest emigrant grouping – democratic and pro-Yugoslav. Struggling toward the democratic evolution of Yugoslavia, the League insisted that to achieve freedom from one party rule and economic, cultural, and political backwardness Yugoslavia needed to rely on its own political and national strengths. Help from abroad, from emigration, could have a secondary importance. Led by such principles, the League through its organ Naša reč supported every instance of critical, oppositional thinking in the country. For the longest time the most attention was given to Milovan Djilas, not only the first, but for many the only ‘true’ Yugoslavian dissident, but afterwards to many others who over several decades came into conflict with the Yugoslavian authorities, state and party leadership. Among these a particular place is accorded to Mihajlo Mihajlov, “dissident no. 2,” as he is often called. Assistance to dissidents in Yugoslavia became more prominent in the time after Josip Broz Tito’s death, when the dissident movement began to grow. Even though it usually could not be direct and concrete, this help was seen in those things that were most important to every dissident, the ability to make public their political views and get domestic and international attention. In this sense Naša reč was the most important paper of the Yugoslavian democratic dissidents.

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List Nova Hrvatska 1958.–1962.

Author(s): Anđelko Vlašić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Among the youngest generation of Croatian emigrants who left Croatia from the mid 1950s onward through academic stipends offered by western countries or by crossing the border illegally there was a liberal-democratic current best expressed after 1958 by the journal Hrvatski bilten, which changed its name in the following year to Nova Hrvatska. The journal was published monthly in London from 1959 until 1974; from 1974 until 1990 it was published bi-weekly. Jakša Kušan was the editor of the journal during the whole of this time. Like other emigrant groups, this group supported national in-dependence for Croatia, but the realization of this ideal – unlike nationalists on the radical right – was proposed from the perspective of liberal values and with the vision of a constitutional democratic state in mind. The journal was interested in themes from national history and the life of Croats under the Communist regime, providing information about current political events in Yugoslavia and Croatia, especially about opposition activities.

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Neki aspekti položaja političkih zatvorenika u KPD-u Stara Gradiška nakon sloma Hrvatskog proljeća 1972.–90.

Author(s): Branimir Šutalo / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Based on existing literature and available sources, this article attempts to provide a contribution to research into the dissident movements and opposition in Socialist Yugoslavia. The phenomenon of political offenses is treated only superficially as an unavoidable introduction to the presentation of the main theme. This work seeks to shed light on the darkest corner of the Yugoslav totalitarian system, that is, the gaol, and show the attitude of the authorities toward political prisoners. The Correctional Institute in Stara Gradiška (KPD Stara Gradiška) is chosen as an example because this gaol is a synonym for the suffering and death of those individuals who were opponents of the totalitarian Yugoslav regime. An emphasis is placed on the derogatory attitude of the authorities and the penal system toward political prisoners and their psychological traumatisation in criminal surroundings.

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Zapadna kulturna produkcija u napisima Naprijeda 1950.–1952.

Author(s): Marko Fuček / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Naprijed, the party organ of the Communist Party of Croatia (KPH), was in practice the executor of cultural politics of the KPH during the early 1950s. Consequently, an analysis of the articles published in this weekly allows one to reconstruct the attitude of the leadership of the KPH to western culture. The liberalization of the early 1950s did not mean that the idea that culture was the implement of creating a socialist society was abandoned, but the focus shifted from prevention of ideological errors to education, deliberation, and dialogue which would lead towards “correct” ideological conclusions. Through a series of comments and reviews of western literature, drama and especially films in Naprijed, an attempt was made to gain an understanding of the prevailing attitude toward western culture, the main evaluative criteria of imported works and the level of ideological flexibility toward their evaluation.

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Život v Československu v éře stalinismu v badatelsky pojaté výuce

Author(s): Václav Kaška / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Cílem bude porozumět, jakými různými způsoby na diktaturu Komunistické strany Československa (KSČ) nastolenou v únoru 1948 reagovali obyvatelé Československa, a to včetně členů a funkcionářů vládnoucí KSČ. Studenti pracují po skupinách badatelsky, dokáží položit relevantní otázky a hledat na ně odpovědi v didaktizovaných pramenech. Dokážou zhodnotit důvěryhodnost pramenů a jejich užitečnost vzhledem k hlavní badatelské otázce. Porozumí motivacím a postojům rozličných historických aktérů a učiní rozhodnutí. Cílem je též lepší pochopení příčin velkého rozsahu čistek uvnitř KSČ a v širším kontextu též principů fungování a stabilizace poúnorového Československa. Vrcholný československý stalinismus (1948–1953) bývá někdy pojímán jako černobílý příběh o „zlých“ komunistech, kteří tvrdými represemi zcela ovládli společnost. Žitá skutečnost však byla složitější a pohybovala se od možností sociálního vzestupu a různých výhod přes propagandou poháněné nadšení v budování lepších zítřků až po různé podoby perzekucí. Proto je cílem lekce naučit studenty porozumět rozdílným postojům dobových aktérů k poúnorovému režimu s ohledem na jejich sociální, ekonomické a politické postavení i gender. Pro takto vymezený záměr je vhodné volit takzvanou perspektivu zdola. Studenti budou pracovat s kompozicí pramenů z lokálního prostředí, konkrétně Velkého Meziříčí, potažmo Jihlavského kraje z let 1949–1950. Příběhy konkrétních lidí z Velkého Meziříčí jsou zakomponovány do „velkých dějin“. V lekci je za účelem aktivizace studentů z větší části nahrazen transmisivní model výuky konstruktivisticky pojatým vyučováním. Výklad bude omezen na nutné znalostní minimum a studenti budou aktivizováni pomocí badatelsky orientované výuky, při níž analyzují dobové dokumenty i současné reflexe odborníků. Součástí tohoto postupu bude skupinová práce a též hraní rolí, kdy se studenti stanou vnitrostranickými vyšetřovateli, kteří budou muset zjistit, co a proč se dělo v jednom okresním městě na Vysočině. Lekce bude proto zahájena aktivizační badatelskou otázkou „Proč se po únoru 1948 bouřili obyvatelé Velkého Meziříčí?“. Studenty by k práci mohla motivovat konfliktnost zkoumané situace a také rámování lekce „detektivními“ postupy. Design lekce umožní lépe porozumět některým důležitým rysům poúnorové československé společnosti: a) propojenost lokálního dění s mezinárodní situací (sovětsko-jugoslávská roztržka a následné odsuzování J. B. Tita); b) kritický postoj dělníků, prezentovaných jako opora nového režimu, ke zneužívání pravomocí některými stranickými funkcionáři; c) velmi špatná hospodářská situace státu v kontrastu k privilegiím některých členů KSČ; d) funkce vnitrostranických čistek jako prostředku legitimizace moci KSČ nebo e) stereotypní obraz ženy, která prostřednictvím svého těla vládne mužům. Studenti současně nahlédnou meze práce s archivními prameny, s nimiž se musí vyrovnávat také historici. Jejich pátrání je totiž omezeno jednak počtem dochovaných materiálů, jednak komplikovaným zjišťováním důvěryhodnosti zdrojů. Důležité je též uvědomění, že s těmito limity se museli potýkat i doboví aktéři. Konstruktivistický přístup k minulosti je založen na představě, že studenti pracují se sety pramenů a prostřednictvím jejich analýzy a interpretace sami vyvozují závěry o minulosti, aniž by bylo rezignováno na faktografii a souvislosti. Podstatou takové dějepisné výuky není předávání hotových výkladů, ale rozvoj historického myšlení studentů, jak ho v koncepci historické gramotnosti postulovali v knize The Big Six Historical Thinking Concepts kanadští didaktici Peter Seixas a Tom Morton a v českém prostředí realizoval projekt Dějepis+, https://dejepisplus.npi.cz/. Ze šesti konceptů historického myšlení lekce pracuje hlavně s výpovědí pramenů, příčinami a důsledky, dobovými perspektivami a vztahem k minulosti (etickou dimenzí). Takto pojatá lekce u studentů rozvíjí vyšší kognitivní myšlení podle Bloomovy taxonomie (analýza, syntéza, hodnocení), z perspektivy učitelů pak vyžaduje respektovat autonomii studentů – výuka založená na bádání upřednostňuje učitele jako průvodce a moderátora závěrů před pouhým poskytovatelem informací. Studenti při této výuce potřebují bezpečné prostředí, v němž budou moci otevřeně prezentovat svá zjištění. Kombinace badatelské práce, studentských prekonceptů a rozličných závěrů může vést ke kontroverzím, avšak zvládnutá kontroverze je přínosnější než uměle předstíraný konsenzus nebo vnucování jediné pravdy. Pilotní podoba lekce byla vyzkoušena na Letní škole pro učitele dějepisu v srpnu 2020.

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Dr. Korbuly Pál, sudca štátneho súdu v Bratislave

Author(s): František Neupauer / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

The history of law indeed refers to persons handing down judgments and often offers interesting stories, such as the story of a judge working under various political regimes Dr. Pavel Korbuly (1906–1970). On May 4, 1934, Korbuly was appointed a single judge in criminal matters, after 1948 he became an instrument of justice under the communist regime and was one of the most active judges of the State Court in Bratislava. Prior to the Vienna Arbitration, he was a judge in the Czechoslovak Republic, then in Hungary, and after 1948 he was one of the judges who tried and sentenced victims of the communist regime (more than 500 people) in Slovakia. By the same communist regime, however, Korbuly was later prosecuted due to his active support of the anti-communist uprising in Hungary in 1956. Unlike others, he was one of the judges who had realized their responsibility for convicting the innocent and committed public repentance. From this perspective, his life story is unique in Central Europe as well as worldwide.

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