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Ovaj Zbornik radova je rezultat konferencije koju je Institut za istoriju u Sarajevu organizirao 12. i 13. maja 2005. povodom 60 godina od završetka Drugogsvjetskog rata. Smatrali smo da je šezdeset godina od završetka Drugog svjetskog rata prilika da se o tome događaju povede naučna rasprava iz perspektive onoga što je slijedilo u kasnijem povijesnom razdoblju.
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Home Guard (Domobranstvo) was the regular army of the Independent State of Croatia (Nezavisna Država Hrvatska, NDH), which was established in April 1941 after the Axis attack on Kingdom of Yugoslavia. NDH was ruled by the extreme right wing Ustasha movement headed by Ante Pavelić and its territory consisted of Croatia, Slavonia, Syrmia, Dalmatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Hungarians occupied and annexed Međimurje and Italians annexed parts of Croatian coast. A demarcation line divided NDH in German and Italian spheres of influence. Alongside with Home Guard, Ustasha militia was established as a military wing of the ruling Ustasha movement. Although Home Guard had air forces and navy, its ground forces were the most numerous and the most important. Tradition of the Croatian units of the Royal Hungarian Home Guard from the Austro-Hungarian Empire was often evoked after the establishment of NDH. Some Croats who were former Austro-Hungarian officers were also included in the Home Guard. Nevertheless, the basis for the formation of Home Guard were Croat and Bosnian Moslem officers and conscripts who had previously served in the royal Yugoslav army. The paramilitary units of the Croatian Peasant Party, the leading Croatian political party in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, played an important role immediately after the proclamation of NDH. Elements of this para-military organization took part in the disarmement of the Yugoslav units. In late April 1941 one of its detachments was sent to Bosnia and Herzegovina to establish Croatian military organization in that area. Nevertheless, Ustasha were distrustful of this organization and it was soon abolished [...]
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The article describes the celebrations of momentous political holidays in Rožňava in the interwar period. It mainly deals with the national holiday of establishment of the Czechoslovak Republic, birthday of the President T. G. Masaryk and Labour Day. The attention is focused on the analysis of the program during the celebration and a possible national conflicts in a multi-ethnic city Rožňava. At the end of the article there are mentioned holidays celebrated in Hungary and their impact on the Hungarian minority in the southern part of the Czechoslovakia.
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After World War I, the debate on Belgian reconstruction divided architects. Some claimed that the priority should be the reconstruction of monuments and urban historical centers, others considered the construction of housing more urgent. In the first half of the Twenties, on one hand the well established generation of old architects worked at reconstruction of devastated regions, on the other hand the young „modernist“ generation experimented with the construction of garden-suburbs with low-cost housing. The urban planner and landscaper Louis van der Swaelmen and the modernist architect Victor Bourgeois considered a failure the reconstruction „à l’identique“ and the reconstruction „in style“ that exhibited a sentimentalist and regionalist vision. Indeed, the law on destroyed municipalities (April 8th, 1919) imposed a regional esthetic for reconstruction on pre-existing urbanized sites. By contrast the construction of new garden-suburbs appeared as a great success against the „vieux-neuf“. In 1920 the Office of Devastated Regions opened the „Architectural Section“ under the responsibility of Jean-Jules Eggericx, and a first settlement of 100 social housing units was created a Roulers and named Batavia. It was inspired, at the same time, by the Belgian beguinage and by the English garden-city; and new materials and building technologies were experimented there.
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The aim of the paper is to investigate the regional elite of Šariš and its weekly, Naša Zastava which was published in an Eastern Slovak dialect between 1907 – 1918. A considerable amount of Slovak and Hungarian works has been already published on the so-called Slovjak movement. The main sources of research were the documents of the so-called Public Educational Association of the Šariš County. The paper uses this organisation to examine the way how a regional elite contructs the imagined community of Eastern Slovak people before 1918.
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“The Train of History” by Mária Ormos invites the reader to two different „journeys”. Reception of both, history and historiography. It is a comprehensive study with author’s vision on Europe, focusing on the Hungarian history and Hungarian identity.
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The article makes a brief historical review of the development of Roma publicationsin the countries in Eastern Europe by emphasizing the processes in each country andthe interrelations between their policies regarding the Roma culture and the Roma literary production. The aim of the article is to show that the development of Roma literature is related to the political, social and cultural context in the country or region of its creation. The comparative historical approach is the most appropriate for the purpose since the tendencies in the development of the Roma literature are related to the policies of identity (in general or directed to the Roma population) in different historical periods and regions.
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This article aims to trace the migratory movements of Bulgarian population from the Western Outlands to Bulgaria from the Spring of 1941, when as a result of the accession of Bulgaria to the Tripartite Pact, the country regain some of the ethnic Bulgarian territories lost during the Balkan wars (1912 – 1913) and World War I (1915 – 1918). The main factors that determine the migration process are outlined: economic and financial difficulties; voluntary labor migrations; forced economic mobilization and others
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This book describes the daily life in southern Slovakia in the period of the decision made on the First Vienna Award and of its enforcement as reflected in contemporary texts (diaries, memoirs) and photographs. The volume contains 19 texts and is illustrated by about 180 photos reporting on the processes taking place in southern Slovakia in the autumn of 1938. These mainly reveal pre-war tention in the first days of the Munich Agreement, the expectations surrounding the Hungarian–Slovak border talks, and the delight of the Hungarian population living here over return to Hungary.
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The article examines the scientific work of the Institute for Historical Studies at the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences since its establishment in 1947 to the present day in the context of the general development of historical science in the second half of the 20th century. The era of communist totalitarianism had a heavy impact on the research of historians. They had, willingly or unwillingly, to study historical processes following the ideological formulations set by the Communist Party. In the 1960s, a slight liberalization of public life began, allowing for a more adequate examination of a number of issues from Bulgarian and world history, mainly from the point of view of the facts. Since the fall of the communist regime in 1989, the ideological constraints on historical science and the work of the scientists at the Institute for Historical Studies fell away too. Research freedom, as well as the wide opening of archives, allowed historians to start exploring many new themes and to seriously reconsider others. However, the new conditions in which historical science has been evolving give rise to a number of challenges. In short, the task of historians in the new conditions is to create historical texts that are freed from the myths that have accumulated over time; to give the most accurate picture of the past and thus to offer to society appropriate solutions to the current problems in its development.
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What is the modern understanding of the Islamic fundamentalism today? What is the difference between Islamic fundamentalism and Islamic terrorism? What is the political definition for these two topics? What is the forced public opinion for these social phenomenon? What is political Islam? Where is the common ground between religion and politics? The historical science and the history of the Middle East from the recent past (the last 50-60 years) gives us different answers to these questions compared to the modern political rhetoric from the end of the last century.
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Understanding the socio-cultural significance of the experience of the past in solving the problems of the present causes a growing interest in historical education and focuses on finding effective methodological approaches to translating knowledge about the past through education. One such approach is an intersubjective approach. The paper deals with the humanistic potential of an intersubjective approach to understanding the Other and fostering the ability to compromise through historical education. A well-considered attitude towards the Other, an inner interest and understanding of the significance of the other presence implies that in the social deprivation of hostility, the inadmissibility of domination and oppression in my Self of the world of the Other Being will be deprived. Both are understood as correlates of intersubjective constitution of reality. In dialogue interaction Otherness is not subordinated, it is assigned to my Self, it remains an “insoluble” individuality. Content analysis of history books of Ukraine has shown that they are conceptually sustained, lacking stereotyped and impartial assessments of the racial, ethnic, cultural nature of the Other. However, ambiguous historical events involving different peoples and states are not alternatively presented. The narrative in the textbook undoubtedly should be the Ukrainian ethnic group as the core of national history. At the same time, using the anthropological and territorial principles as the core of the story, the textbook should strive for Ukraine to be perceived as space where other ethnic communities whose existence is an integral part of Ukrainian history reside alongside Ukrainians. Relevant in overcoming the false image of historical education is the development of the ability to think critically about historical facts, to give them their own judgment. Understanding of the historical process from the point of view of an intersubjective approach will contribute to the formation of a person’s tendency to cultural tolerance, tolerance and dialogue with the Other, the realization that the Other is also entitled to a mistake or his own ratio, the ability to see the world in all its diversity and uniqueness.
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Više od dve decenije u Srbiji su zanemarene i, u suštini, odbačene sve vrednosti antifašizma koje su proglašene za anacionalne komunističke podvale poturene zavedenom srpskom narodu, iako je sam pojam antifašizam, ispražnjen od sadžaja i neretko sasvim pervertovan, ipak zadržan, kao neupitni izvor legitimiteta. Ukratko, antifašizmom je proglašeno ono što antifašizam nije, uz odbacivanje svega ili gotovo svega što antifašizam jeste. Te vrednosti izvornog antifašizma su internacionalizam, tolerancija prema raznim oblicima različitosti (iako ni u samom antifašizmu nisu sve razlike koje se sada smatraju legitimnim takvima oduvek smatrane), emancipacija od esencijalizovanja tih različitosti, i naročito, marginalizovanje nacionalnih, verskih, rodnih, seksualnih, političkih i drugih različitosti kao politički bitnih karakteristika i faktora moralnog, ili ma kog drugog vrednovanja čoveka. Antifašizam je i sada, dakle, u tradiciji onoga što istorijski jeste, progresivna ideja i moralni stav, pre nego ideologija, i podrazumeva konstantno širenje baze slobode i tolerancije. Sasvim zakonomerno, kao što je diskriminacija ključna reč fašizma, tako je antidiskriminacija ključna reč antifašizma.
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The article provides a brief description of the history of the Balkans in Modern and Recent times. At the beginning of this period, the Balkans became part of the pan-European international system. First as an object, and then more and more of its subject. After the Berlin Congress, many Balkan countries gained independence, and during the First Balkan War, for the first time in history, the Balkan states acted together and independently, and not to support certain actions of the great powers. The Balkan allies were even called the “seventh great power”. However, at the same time, almost all the Balkan states experienced national disasters. Their return to Europe turned out to be incomplete and the lag behind the advanced part of the continent did not decrease either then, or in the interwar or post-war periods. It remains today, despite the accession of most of the Balkan countries to the European Union.
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The conception of ‘Russophobia’ has traditionally been interpreted as an external phenomenon directed against Russia, no matter in what form it occurred or whether it was directed against pan-Slavism, in the nineteenth century, against Sovietism, in the twentieth century, or against Putinism, in the 21st century. However, there is also Russophobia as an internal, Russian-specific feature, which is the topic of this article. Our research focuses on the interesting phenomenon of Russophobia in Russia, a term coined as early as the nineteenth century by the diplomat Fyodor Tyutchev, better known for his poetry. Based on historical texts from the nineteenth and twentieth centuries found in memoirs, diaries, correspondence and journalistic clippings of Fyodor Tyutchev, Fyodor Dostoyevsky, Pyotr Chaadaev, Vladimir Pecherin, Igor Shafarevich, Victor Astafiev, Nathan Eydelman, Alexander Panarin, Valeriy Rastorguev, Andrey Fursov and others, the author has created a typology of Russian Russophobia. The Russophobia in Russia is a Russocentrism, however, with a reverse sign, a combination of “phobias” that manifest themselves, to varying degrees and in different combinations, but have always been around, such as Christianophobia (fear of the Church); Politiophobia (fear of the state); Slavophobia (fear of pan-Slavism); Sovietophobia and Russophobia (fear, alienation from what is Russian).
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The goal of this paper is to investigate the memory of the Holocaust, i.e. the reception and representation of the suffering of the Jewish population during the rule of the Third Reich (under Nazi rule and occupation) in the capitals of the states constituted after the Second World War - in East Berlin, GDR, and Belgrade, SFRY, during the period from 1945 to 1989/1991. Relying on the achievements of memory studies and analyzing the political moods of that time and the ways of constructing official narratives about Jewish suffering in selected post-war Communist countries, the similarities and differences in the policy of representing Jewish suffering in these two countries and the memory of Jewish victims in places of remembrance and in the practices of remembrance in their capitals will be pointed out.
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In this paper, we consider the phenomenon of fictionalization of the theme of the Goli otok in novels (mostly written by women), as a kind of collective and ideological trauma, which has been a taboo topic in socialist Yugoslavia for more than 40th years. Biljana Jovanović (Duša, jedinica moja, 1984) and Boba Blagojević (Skerletna luda, 1991) started the topic of Goli otok in a women’s ideological novel and after that the topic of IB Resolution continued through different genres: publicist- memoir work (Ženi Lebl), autobiographical novel (Vera Cenić), or a real postmodern novel by Milka Žicina (Sve, sve, sve, 2002), all the way to a modern novel, with a fictional protagonist, which combines all the experiences of the Goli Otok`s victims (G. Zalad, Plava tišina, D. Grossman, Život se sa mnom mnogo poigrao). We divide the origin of these novels into the works of women writers who personally experienced torture of Goli otok (Ž. Lebl, V. Cenić, M. Žicina, Eva Panić), and those who were born much later, dealt with this topic completely through the fiction (G. Zalad, D. Ilić, D. Grosman). V. Cenić and M. Žicine also created several impressive literary heroines, whose degree of fictionalization we have specifically analyzed here as literary heroines (Brana Marković, Dragica Srzentić, Slavka Pogačarević, Eva Panić Nahir), as well as the type of antiheroine in the character of Marija Zelić, the warden of the camp on Goli Otok. These are works whose literary qualities should be much more present on our literary scene, and with a good film adaptation they should enter a much wider, public reception, especially since film as a medium is the main subtext of two modern novels about Goli Otok (G. Zalad, D. Grosman).
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Blagovest Njagulov, a prominent historian, dedicated his career to studying modern, contemporary, and comparative history, with a particular interest in ethnic policies and minorities. His doctoral thesis on Dobrudja marked the beginning of a brilliant career at the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences. His research shed light on underexplored aspects of the history of Bulgarians abroad, especially in Romanian Banat. He adeptly navigated diverse cultural and linguistic contexts, contributing to a rich and nuanced historiography. His work also illuminated the complex Bulgarian-Romanian relations, the issue of minorities, and the challenges of historical memory, particularly in the context of European integration. In addition to his academic endeavors, Njagulov was an engaged actor in civil society, supporting Bulgarian organizations abroad and actively participating in initiatives aimed at strengthening ties with Bulgarian communities worldwide. In this regard, this article also aligns with the recent renewal of reflection on the biographical method in Bulgarian historiography.
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This text is directly related to Jan Adamec’s essay "Dcera, historička, „špionka” Sheila Fitzpatricková: Nad vzpomínkami „jiné” revizionistky" [Daughter, Historian, “Spy” Sheila Fitzpatrick: On the Memoirs of an “Other” Revisionist] published in this journal in 2023 (Vol. 30, No. 1, pp. 137–166). In this sequel, the author shifts away from recounting the life of Australian historian Sheila Fitzpatrick (born 1941), to focus on her scholarly work from the early 1970s, when she gradually became firmly established in the American academic milieu as a respected expert on the interwar history of the Soviet Union and Stalinism. Adamec guides the reader through a chronology of her numerous works, with an emphasis on the seminal monographs, from her published dissertation, "The Commissariat of Enlightenment" (1970), and her most famous work, "Everyday Stalinism: Ordinary Life in Extraordinary Times" (1999), to her to date most recent book, "The Shortest History of the Soviet Union" (2022), and presents the central themes and most important findings of her research. At the same time, he traces Fitzpatrick’s position in the dynamic context of Soviet studies and scholarship on Stalinism, demonstrates her growing influence on younger generations of historians, and notes the scholarly reviews of her work. He pays particular attention to her pioneering role in constituting and promoting revisionist perspectives in the Western historiography of the Soviet Union in the 1970s and 1980s, when, despite initial scepticism or rejection, they became part of the academic mainstream. He seeks to capture her unorthodox position as an “other”, “moderate” revisionist who, while primarily focusing on the everyday and social history of Soviet society, did not underestimate the essential importance of power hierarchies and authoritarian politics emanating from the centre. Thus, in the disputes between revisionism and totalitarianism, Fitzpatrick often takes less clear-cut positions than most adherents of the former. In the last part of the text, the author traces the reception of Fitzpatrick’s work in Czech historiography since the early 1990s, a breakthrough brought about by the Czech translations of the edited volumes "Beyond the Totalitarianism" (published in 2012) and "Everyday Stalinism" (in 2018) and shows that in recent years the Australian historian has become a relatively widely quoted authority in the Czech scholarly milieu, mostly accepted by revisionist critics and also used as a shield in local polemics about the nature of Czechoslovak normalization.
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