Auschwitz-tekercs
Zalmen Gradowski: Auschwitz-tekercs. A pokol szívében. Fordította, szerkesztette és az előszót írta Hunyadi Zsombor. Budapest, Múlt és Jövő, 2016, 164 p.
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Zalmen Gradowski: Auschwitz-tekercs. A pokol szívében. Fordította, szerkesztette és az előszót írta Hunyadi Zsombor. Budapest, Múlt és Jövő, 2016, 164 p.
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Juraj Šebo: Útek z pekla. Životný príbeh Arnošta Rosina, väzňa, ktorému sa podarilo ujsť z Osvienčimu. Bratislava, Marenčin PT, 2017,184p.
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The text talks about the reaction of the Polish government in London to the outbreak of the uprising in the Warsaw ghetto and Szmul Zygielbojm’s suicide. The author analyses stenographic records of the sessions of the Polish government in exile, daily logs of the president’s and PM’s activity, stenographic records of the National Council sessions, correspondence sent by the government to Warsaw, the content of official declarations of the government, and the Polish press between April and June 1943. The author reconstructs the government’s state of knowledge regarding the situation in Warsaw and presents the chronology of its popularisation. He also wonders what influence the-then political crisis (the German propaganda’s revelation of the massacre of Polish officers in Katyń and Stalin’s severance of diplomatic relations with the Polish government) had on the government’s approach to the situation in the occupied country, particularly with regard to the fighting in the Warsaw ghetto.
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The article tells the story of Henryk Ryszewski, who provided hiding to about a dozen Jews in his flat in the Warsaw district of Mariensztat. Accused after the war of blackmailing Jews (as I think, wrongly), he was convicted and spent several years in prison. His prosecutor fell victim of the ‘paper industry affair’ show trial and also spent a few years in prison.
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The article attempts to deconstruct the dominant Polish discourse regarding the ‘Polish-Jewish relations’. Its central figures are: the logic of the golden mean as a tool to reach historical truth, symmetrisation of Polish and Jewish wrongs and faults, and hospitality as the prevalent attitude of Poles towards Jews. The authors show its opinion forming power using three examples: a review of Paweł Pawlikowski’s film Ida, the reception of the POLIN Museum of the History of Polish Jews, and a discussion on the Righteous monuments, which were to be erected in Warsaw.
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The author discusses the most important phenomena in Polish historiography and the selected publications about the Holocaust released during 2003–2013. Similarly to ‘narrativists’, Krupa is interested in the shape, the language, the storytelling manner, and the metaphors used. Having indicated the most important scholarly centres and publications of sources, the author concentrates on the camp monographs, syntheses and regional studies produced during that period, and then concludes that most of them are written in a very traditional way. The year 2000, when [the Polish edition] of Jan Tomasz Gross’s book Neighbours was released, proved to be a breakthrough year for [Polish] historiography. Before analysing the far-reaching consequences of this publication, Krupa briefly discusses the polemics surrounding the other books by that author. On the one hand, they led to the birth of the historiographical ‘shadow cabinet’ – a mobilisation of the milieu concentrated mostly around the IPN and directed at disparaging the significance of Gross’s publications. On the other hand, the most important consequence of Gross’s critical thinking about the Polish stances was the birth of the ‘peasant trend’ in [Polish] historiography. The books by Andrzej Żbikowski, Barbara Engelking, Jan Grabowski, as well as the collective works such as Prowincja noc and Zarys krajobrazu described, in a committed and interdisciplinary way, the shameful stances of the rural community – the denunciations, rapes, and even murders of Jews, with Tadeusz Markiel’s shocking testimony holding a special place among these publications. The works that acclaim the Polish stances and stress the Polish engagement in the rescuing of Jews (particularly those published within the framework of the IPN project „INDEX – In memory of Poles murdered or prosecuted by the Nazis because of their assistance to Jews”) are to constitute a counteroffer to the critical “peasant trend” within the framework of the “shadow cabinet.” At the end of the article Krupa discusses the books that regard the unknown pages of the Holocaust history in Warsaw written by Agnieszka Haska, Barbara Engelking, Dariusz Libionka, or Libionka’s collaboration with Laurence Weinbaum, which are not revolutionary in the sphere of language but nonetheless broaden the knowledge on the Holocaust. The author ends his discussion with a reference to the monumental work Jewish Presence in Absence. The Aftermath of the Holocaust in Poland, 1944–2010, without which, just as without reflecting on the consequences of the Holocaust in general, it is impossible to understand Poles and the situation in Poland.
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The Home Army intelligence intercepted letters written by German officers and clerks to their families as well as those sent from Germany to friends and relatives on the front line. On the basis of that correspondence the Polish underground drafted special intelligence reports, which were sent to London. The selection of letters devoted to the Holocaust presented in this article can make it easier to describe and understand the stances and opinions of “ordinary Germans” regarding the “final solution.”
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The article presents a selection of documents from the files of several precincts of the Warsaw ‘blue’ police, which illustrate the involvement of Polish officers in the search for the Jews in hiding, during the 1942–1944 period.
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The Holocaust, according to most of the authors dealing with the subject, was an example of unprecedented evil, i.e., a manifestation of evil incomparable to anything that had happened before. No matter how justified such a statement may be, the Holocaust was by no means the only event in the human history experienced in this way. At least three historical catastrophes preceding it – the French Revolution, the partition of Poland and the Russian Revolution – had been received by a part of European humanity in a similar manner. The author of the paper confronts moral and historiosophical responses to the experience of unprecedented evil elaborated by French traditionalists (de Maistre), Polish romantic messianists (Mickiewicz), Russian religious thinkers (Berdyaev, Frank and others) and contemporary adherents of the politically correct historiosophy of the Holocaust. He demonstrates that each of these responses, as an attempt of overcoming the atrocious experience of unprecedented evil, is unique and incomparable with the others. French conservatives expose moral guilt of victims, Polish romantics focus on their moral obligations toward other victims (including victims of “normal evil”), Russian thinkers warn us of the moral danger involved in believing in the unprecedentedness of the evil we are confronted with, while the historiosophy of the Holocaust emphasizes the moral innocence of victims and the absolute uniqueness of their experience. In conclusion the author acknowledges the moral and philosophical advantage of the romantic response over all others.
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Since the beginning of the twentieth century the relationship between Judaism and Christianity has changed dramatically and is one of the few pieces of encouraging news that can be reported today about the encounter between religions. The rapprochement in relations and the develop-ment of a new way of thinking were pioneered by a small number of scholars and religious leaders in the first half of the century. However, it was the impact of the Holocaust, the creation of the State of Israel, the development of the ecumenical movement and the work of the Second Vatican Council (1962-65) which in combination made the changes more widespread. As a re-sult, Christianity, so long an instigator of violence against Jews, rediscovered a respect and ad-miration for Judaism, and the once close relationship, which had become a distant memory, has been to a large extent restored. For Jews, the traditional view that they were on their own and that Christianity was an enemy has been replaced by a realisation that partnership with Christian-ity is possible and that both faiths share a Messianic vision of God’s kingdom on earth
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The aim of the research outlined in this article is to discuss Hanna Krall’s works in the context of language, aesthetics and poetics of photography. The analyzes are based on the texts published in the volume „Phantom of Pain” (2017). They lead to the conclusion that photography is used in these texts as a journalistic source of information, a medium of artistic expression, a specific object, and a tool that triggers the work of memory. The journalist uses the photography to present the inexpressible, particularly when she wants to familiarize the reader with the idea of the Holocaust.
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Für die kultische, bzw. hagiographische frühe Rezeption der Dichtung von Miklós Radnóti erwies sich jene Stelle bei Abda unter dem Damm des Flusses Rábca, wo er mit 21 anderen jüdischen Zwangsarbeitern Ende August 1944 von einem ungarischen Soldaten erschossen wurde, als ein bindender Ort. Nachdem der Körper des Dichters in einem Massengrab mit anderen Leichen verscharrt worden war, wurde er noch zweimal exhumiert und neu bestattet. Der traumatische Ort des Mordes schreibt sich durch die letzten Gedichte ins Gedächtnis der Generationen. Die traumatisierte frühe Rezeption von Radnóti besteht auf den Stillstand der Zeit, auf die Nähe zum mehrmals beigesetzten und wieder ausgegrabenen Körper des Dichters. Diese seltsame Art der Rezeption, die die Dichtung von Radnóti der Historisierung zu entziehen versucht, ist als eine Antwort auf die Frage zu verstehen, ob der Holocaust in seiner Außergeschichtlichkeit zu bewahren ist. In der Ästhetik der Zeugenschaft wiederholt sich die Frage, wie man eine einmalige Raum-Zeit-Beziehung in ihrer Form bewahren kann, die sowohl das Trauma der Zerstörung einer historischen Gemeinschaft, der Gemeinschaft der ungarischen Nation als auch die Hoffnung auf eine Therapie, auf eine Neustiftung der Gemeinschaft miteinschließt. Das Gedicht von Radnóti „Nem tudhatom“ stiftete in der frühen Rezeption eine neue Perspektive für die Neubelebung der durch den Holocaust zerrissenen Gemeinschaft der Nation, es konnte aber von der romantischen Ideologie der nationalen Identität nicht Abschied nehmen, und dadurch blieb diese neue Perspektive unvollendet.
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This article aims to explore the personal name as an aspect of human identity, based on our analysis of several tens of oral-history autobiographical interviews from the USC Shoah Foundation’s Visual History Archive (http://vhaonline.usc.edu). The text reflects on the transformations and meanings of name in the war and post-war period, focusing on the compulsory and voluntary name change, but also its loss and supplementation by the (tattooed) number in the concentration camps. In this context we also pay attention to the tattoo as a component of social identity of the Holocaust survivor and different attitudes. In the concluding parts of the text, we also investigate the post-war commemoration of the Holocaust as a process, which aims to return the lost names to the victims of the Nazi genocide of people labelled as “Jews”. Our research points to the tendency to understand name and identity as an indivisible duality, which is mutually influenced. At the same time, it suggests that the loss of name or its compulsory change is not reflected by the survivors as an especially traumatic experience, in the context of following events. A particular symbolic value of personal name can be seen in the cases of the people murdered during the Holocaust, and in the context of current commemorative activities the naming of Shoah victims is of central importance.
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