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Following the events of 1981 the social, political and juridical Status of the Albanians and the Autonomous Region of Kosova gradually became reduced. This phenomenon became more obvious after Milosevic became President of Serbia in 1985, when he relied on the most conservative and nationalistic forces of Serbia.
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The revitalization of religion in postsocialism is followed by the revitalization of individual narratives about religious life in socialism. On the one hand, the lived experience is connected to the contemporary revitalization of religion and the public discourse promoted by the Serbian Orthodox church on the repression it suffered during socialism, and on the other hand, interlocutors tell of their positive experiences which stand in contrast to official stories. The research presented in this paper is directed toward the conceptualization of individual narratives which actualize the memories of the faithful of the life during socialism. Special attention has been paid to those aspects of the past which interlocutors consider relevant for interpreting their own relationship with religion, meanings attributed to memories and ways in which they are connected and interpreted i the context of the present.
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In post-Soviet Azerbaijan, national history underwent a certain revisionin which “friendship of peoples” ceased to be its central theme and wasreplaced by the images of Soviet-inspired national heroes, and fighters forindependence. At the same time, given the fact that building an independentAzerbaijan coincided with the Karabakh conflict, it is quite natural to expectthat these events would have had an impact on the texts included in the historytextbooks which, in their turn, are intended to rear patriots of their countrycapable of discerning “one’s own” from “others” and ready to take part in yetanother conflict when and if the need arises. A number of ethnic myths havesneaked in to the textbooks during the process of reviewing school programsand getting rid of the “dark stains” in Azerbaijani history. These myths aremade up to serve the official ideology of the already independent state. Themain creative group comprises professional historians, very often they are thespecialists of the History Institute of the National Academy of Sciences ofAzerbaijan, implementing the state order on developing history textbooks forsecondary schools. Schools are using only one version of narratives approvedby the Ministry of Education. New textbooks on national history in the post-Soviet period were first developed in the mid 90’s. These textbooks underwentupgrading only once, in early 2000, and these versions were published for eachgrade (from grade 5 to 11, i.e. for seven grades), and which schools are usingto this day. The role and place of independent Azerbaijan in the modern worldis determined, above all, within the Turkish world (certain resounds of panTurkism), while the central place among the states conventionally described asTurkish is assigned to Turkey – the major regional ally.
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For nearly three-quarters of a century, anthropologists, alongside folklorists, sociologists, and others have steadily documented multiple processes of cultural revival and revitalization, amassing a rich body of evidence to testify to the flexibility and resilience of culture. This focus on successful revivals has generated a wide literature that parallels and supports the growing attention to identity and ethnicity as key concerns across the social sciences. In the following pages, I refer to this literature as I examine the limits of cultural revival in the post-Soviet Republic of Moldova, primarily the country’s folkloric movement, which is the subject of my doctoral research and first book. In this broader field of vision, there are questions to be asked: who is undertaking revival work? What are their goals? What are their methods? And – whether they succeed or fail – what are the conditions that enable this? Although I pose these questions in specific reference to post-Soviet Moldova, they could be asked of many communities, to advance our understanding of how collective identities are established, negotiated, and changed over time.
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This article aims at analyzing the key results and future prospects of the Eastern Partnership program of the European Union. Usually the criticism toward this initiative is based on two arguments: allegedly, it was the assertiveness of the EU which contributed to the Ukrainian crisis and increased a conflict potential with Russia. Besides, in the end Brussels was not able to deliver more in terms of Ukrainian, Moldovan and Georgian integration into the EU and to counterbalance the Russian foreign policy in the region. The author argues that the Eastern Partnership, driven by the “constitutive power of outsiders”, was an adequate answer to the socio-political changes which have occurred in East European countries. It gave them an opportunity, based on the principle of “more for more”, to include themselves in internal EU regimes without formal accession. On the other hand, the Eastern Partnership is currently facing two main challenges: Russian reaction to EU association agreements with Eastern neighbors as well as disintegration and corruption of the elites. Despite some disappointment of the Euro-enthusiasts and the devastating economic crisis in the region, it is still preserving the pro-European orientation and working on the association agenda. But, in the context of substantial problems with corruption, Brussels has now to apply the policy of “sticks” in order to discipline (and not only support or encourage) the neighborhood countries
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In the article, the concepts that have influenced (and are still influencing) the appreciation, assimilation and usage of the collective memory, evidenced in historic Lithuanian towns, especially Vilnius, are analysed, and some possible solutions to the questions arising are proposed. It is emphasized that the recognition, usage and interpretation of cultural values, accumulated in the public spaces of historic towns, which are, as a rule, multiethnic, multiconfessional and multicultural, is a complex undertaking requiring competence, creativity and responsibility. The relationship between this multipartite problem and the cultural politics of modern Lithuania is examined. Two attitudes, monoperspective (imperial, Soviet, nationalistic) and multi-perspective (postmodern), towards the relationship between ethnic communities and the prevailing culture are distinguished. The clearest cases of public space appropriation/interpretation which provoked inter-ethnic or intersectional conflicts in recent times are analysed. These are related to the sensitivity of the collective memory, which is linked to the traumas and wrongs of the recent past. The strategic possibilities of the usage of cultural riches accumulated in the public spaces of Vilnius’ old town are discussed, by referring to the ideas of conservation theorists and taking into account the Lithuanian context. The actuality of the multicultural traditions and experiences of the unique concord in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania are emphasised, considering the present circumstances of the globalised world.
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Partition advocates argue that ethnic groups must be separated completely in order to prevent renewed violence but Moldova is an exception with its large “stay-behind” minority and a lack of renewed violence. This chapter uses Moldova to develop partition theory, presenting an institutionalist explanation that focuses on the interaction between state-building and minority collaboration in a post-war context. The chapter argues that strong state institutions create an incentive for ethnic minorities to collaborate with the state, regardless of minority preferences, and this helps maintain peace. The case of Moldova reinforces the importance of state-strength in avoiding interethnic conflict renewal. Both Pridnestrovie/Transnistria and Moldova were a relatively strong state, which is unusual in a post-war, post-partition situation,and these relative strengths reduced the likelihood of conflict recurrence.
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Since September 2012 “Foundations of Orthodox culture” is taught in all Russian state schools for children in 4th and partially 5th grade. The new subject is one of the six modules being offered under the general title “Foundations of religious cultures and secular ethics” among which pupils and/or parents have to choose. The article shows the main tendencies of the public debates connected with the Russian Orthodox Church’s attempt of “culture building” through its influence on the state school system. The first part of the article presents the main phases of the controversial debates on religious education; the second part analyses some textbooks of the new subject “Foundations of Orthodox culture”; and the third part discusses the relation of the Church’s understanding of Orthodox culture and culturology.
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This paper focuses on Ecoweek, an environmental project for young people in Moldova, in order to explore the themes of post-Soviet cultural identity construction and the adaptation of Western ideas to local contexts. It considers how Ecoweek participants’ establishment of international connections allowed them to create an environmentalism that was cosmopolitan, yet distinctly Moldovan. Their approach reflects the strong global awareness of many urban young people in Moldova, who often look outside of the country for opportunities. The paper argues that students’ participation in the project was related not just to a determination to solve environmental problems, but also to a desire to be part of a global trend, to gain experience, and to make useful contacts. Moreover, it suggests that the same factors leading the students to produce a globally informed environmentalism also made it difficult to build a lasting movement.
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The aim of this article is to analyze how the shared Yugoslav past and history is communicated in Macedonia, 22 years after the dissolution. For that matter, the emphasis of the research will be on analysis of the media production of the state-owned, public service broadcaster in Macedonia, the Macedonian Radio Television (MRT). By analyzing a core of recently produced documentaries, the article aims to show how the recent change in cultural policy and the process of “nation-(re)building” is readable through new broadcasts and how the media memory of the Yugoslav past of Macedonia is present or absent from the media scene. Finally, this text aims to give answer to the question how, and to what extent, the recently produced media content contributes to the politics of remembrance / forgetting of the Yugoslav past.
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The Research System in Post-Communist Central and Eastern Europe; EASST Special Issue, Social Studies of Science, Vol. 25, No. 4, pp, 611-887. Guest editors: Katalin Balázs, Wendy Faulkner, and Uwe Schimank, London: Sage Publications
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This article discusses the historical changes in religious practices in Bosnia-Herzegovina from the communist era to the post-war period in line with their influence on identity and intergroup (inter-ethnic, inter-religious) relations. There is a lack of evidence on whether people did not overtly express their religious beliefs during communism even though they were covertly religious, or whether they started engaging in the religious practice during and after the 1992-1995 war in order to establish group connectedness, cohesion, and fulfill certain needs. “Bosnian identity” will be described as a puzzle formed by the “remains” of the previous regime and the “new additions” of the post-war period. The discourse of power dominates in Bosnia-Herzegovina and enables prohibitions of different types of dialogue that can lead to better understanding of differences and Other(s). The main problem that will be addressed in this article is the (non)existing Bosnian identity analyzed through “jouissance” of nationalism, intolerance and religion. The contradictions of Sigmund Freud’s concept of identification, and the relation of that concept to the body and power in a post-war divided society will be discussed. We can conclude that the main discourse of power operates with religion in order to establish the “jigsaw puzzle of Bosnian identity”. The presence of those who either live in a different system (yugonostalgic people, Homo Yugoslavicus), or those who do not believe (atheists) simply adds a new dimension to the currently established system which can be used to further explain if the overtly expressed beliefs will remain unchanged in case of the establishment of a new system.
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Ovaj naslov mogao bi da pokrije tematski obiman program jednog naučnog skupa, a mogao bi da ispuni sadržinu povelike monografije - toliko je u njemu relevantnih pitanja, aspekata, tema i podnaslova. Da bi se, pak, obradila njegova kompleksna supstancijalna sadržinska struktura, biće potrebno neodređeno razdoblje historijske distance, kada će vjerodostojni historijski izvori biti pristupačni istraživačima naznačenog povijesnog perioda. To ne znači da u postojećim okolnostima, općem i konkretnom stanju historijske nauke, nemamo razloga i potrebe za pristup u naslovu istaknutoj problematici.Pri tome smo, međutim, upućeni na govor o historiografskim djelima, koja su našla put do javnosti kada su se ovaj grad i ova zemlja borili za pravo na goli opstanak koji im je agresor sistematski bukvalno ugrožavao. Bio je to način otpora historijske nauke agresiji na BiH.
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Ruska Federacija ima zategnute političke odnose sa državama bivšeg SSSR-a na čijim teritorijima postoje teritoriji “zamrznutih konflikata”, posebno sa Gruzijim. Sa njom je vodila rat 2008. godine za zaštitu tadašnjeg političkog statusa Južne Osetije. Svi “zamrznuti konflikti” u državama bivšeg SSSR-a nastali su i danas postoje i održavaju se s takvim statusom zahvaljujući sveobuhvatnoj ruskoj podršci. U diplomatskim odnosima Zapada i Ruske Federacije oko rješenja teritorija “zamrznutih konflikata” Zapadu su važniji ruski prirodni energenti, nafta i gas, od zaštite teritorijalnog integriteta i političkog suvereniteta međunarodno priznatih država, Gruzije, Moldavije i Azerbejdžana.
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The paper herein is a contribution to the debate on the causes of the disintegration of the Czech and Slovak Federal Republic. It accentuates the development of the Slovak nation prior to November 1989 and accompanying circumstances of this fact that were instrumental in the system transformation after November 1989. Emphasis has also been placed on the key moments of development in 1990-1992, which illustrate a lack of political experience and diversity of transition programmes on the Czech and Slovak political scene, and on the role of specific actors in this process. The basic argument in the text is the idea that in a moment of transition the Slovak nation corresponded to the classification of a fully formed nation; however, this fact alone (independent variable) was not sufficient enough to cause the disintegration of the federal state.
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The article discusses the application of postcolonial theory to the postcommunist situation, something that a number of authors are attempting to do – most notably Ewa Thompson, who connects this analysis with a cultural and political project for contemporary Poland. The article looks at the possible ways in which postcolonial perspectives can be used to analyse national identity in “Europe between Pan-Germanism and Pan-Slavism”, and specifically in the Czech context. It then devotes itself to a genealogical reading of Milan Kundera’s essay on Central Europe, and ends with a discussion on the usefulness of the postcolonial perspective for the analysis of post-communism. It concludes that this perspective is a fertile source of inspiration for comparative hypotheses and research questions, but that its full acceptance may be both methodologically and politically problematic. The “authenticity” of Central Europe has been constructed by the dominant Central European spokespeople in opposition to the “subaltern empires” of Germany and Russia as “more Western than the West”. The postcolonial perspective and the study of the Czech national identity were for a long time considered largely in isola-tion from each other. This essay first discuss the general possibilities of applying postcolonial approaches to Central European identities, and concretely to the Czech identity in the wider context of the development of Central European national identities in the last two hundred years. Then it tries, using a genealogical interpretation of Kundera’s essays onCentral Europe, to show some of the characteristics of Kundera’s “Czech Central Europe”. Finally I discuss the possibil-ities of a postcolonial view of Czech and Polish post-communism. I conclude that it is worth using some concepts in postcolonial studies to the national identities ofCentral Europe(and their post-communist situation) above all as hypothe-ses and sources of questions.
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