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România între „Scila și Caribda”
Florin Pintescu, Politicile SUA, Germaniei ș Rusiei în spațiul românesc (1990-2018).Considerații geoeconomice, geoculturale și geostrategice, Editura „Cetatea de Scaun”,Târgoviște, 2019, 316 p.
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Florin Pintescu, Politicile SUA, Germaniei ș Rusiei în spațiul românesc (1990-2018).Considerații geoeconomice, geoculturale și geostrategice, Editura „Cetatea de Scaun”,Târgoviște, 2019, 316 p.
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Polish-German relations after the reunification of Germany constitute an interesting field of research, which results from difficult and painful relations in a distant history, a whole range of mutual stereotypes but also positive experiences. The author believes that against this background their balance in the last three decades is positive. To confirm this thesis, the article makes – and this is its main goal – the selection of more important areas of mutual relations, starting from their treaty regulation in the years 1990–1991. Great emphasis was placed on the multilateral context of Polish- German relations, including the role of Germany as Poland’s advocate in efforts to join the EU and NATO, an outline of the eastern policy of both countries (attitude towards Russia and Ukraine) but also disputable issues, such as controversy around the decision-making system in the EU and major bilateral problems. The article uses monographs in the field of German studies, publications of German research centers, scientific journals, press and websites of the German government and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Auswärtiges Amt).
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Romania is a European Union member state that has an important history in the furniture industry. After the communist regime fall in Romania in 1989, the country registered chaotic development for many years. In general, the transition from communism to capitalism was very hard in Romania, and without any doubt, it was poorly implemented. In a difficult economic climate, the structural changes in all industries considerably affected the furniture industry as well. The sector has a strategic value for the Romanian industry. It is unanimously accepted in the literature that the best value added in wood processing sector is obtained in the furniture industry. In this regard, this paper will describe and analyse the sustainability of the furniture industry in the changing economic climate of the last years. Also it will underline the weaknesses and threats of the furniture sector in the European Union context, and in this regard will propose some directions in order to improve the sustainability of the furniture industry sector.
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This article investigates the relationship between several behavioural biases and stock market reactions. We analyse six post-communist countries (Romania, Poland, Hungary, Slovenia, the Slovak Republic and the Czech Republic) for the January 2012 – September 2019’ time period. We test for any effect of different measures used in behavioural finance literature (investors’ optimism, respectively pessimism, spontaneous behaviour and the anchoring effect) on stock market’s trading volume. Our empirical findings suggest that judgement and emotions are a significant driver of the stock market, not all market players acting rationally when investing. Investors are susceptible to behavioural biases which influence significantly their decision making process. Polish investors are pessimistic individuals, while in Romania, Hungary and the Czech Republic the optimistic sentiment exercises a greater influence on the trading activity. Spontaneous behaviour characterizes the Romanian, Hungarian and Slovak investors. Lastly, the anchoring effect is found significant in 5 out of 6 countries analysed, no effect being observed in the Czech Republic.
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After the establishment of the GDR, West German researchers began to study the politicaland social attitude of GDR citizens, and the processes that were taking place there.Due to the changes taking place in the GDR and the difficulties in conducting direct observations,it was decided to take non-standard actions, and to develop special proceduresthat combined direct survey research with indirect research. At the lead of this theresearch efforts were two institutions: Infratest – Markt- und Meinungsforschungsinstitutfrom Monachium and Bundesnachrichtendienst (Federal Intelligence Service). Amongother things, they studied the reactions to current events: for example, for top-level visits, and in particular FRG-DGR contacts, citizens’ identification with the East German state, restrictionsand facilities in traveling to FRG, as well as the assessment of the economic situationof GDR citizens.
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The paper makes an attempt to determine whether in a situation where a given statefinds itself in a sphere of influence – which is understood here as, inter alia, establishingcontacts with other states – it is still possible to maintain its full sovereignty, or whetherany form of external influence, despite the voluntarily established contacts, even on thebasis of working out a consensus, actually limits the weaker states in particular. Two countrieshave been taken into consideration: the Republic of Serbia, and Montenegro, withmajor emphasis on the bilateral cooperation they have established with countries suchas Russia, the US, Germany, Turkey, and China. The analysis that has been conducted confirmsthe assumption that both Serbia and Montenegro are of great interest to the abovelisted countries: this is true not only because they are conomically weak countries thatcan be easily subordinated, but also, and perhaps above all, because their location is extremelyprofitable and of strategic significance. What is particularly worth emphasising isthe fact that both in Serbia and in Montenegro, the interests of the most important countriesof the world clash. This means that Serbia and Montenegro are not only not fully independentstates, despite the acts of independence they have announced, but also thatthey are in fact “object of interests” for a number of “foreign” players, a situation that mayultimately lead to a threat to security in the Balkan region.
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The article studies the history of the development of responsibility for corruption crimes on the territory of Ukraine during the USSR period of existence and after its collapse. Corruption crimes and the degree of responsibility for them are analyzed. Based on the development of regulations and public administration, global historical periods related to liability for corruption crimes are distinguished.
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This study focuses on the independence of the Republic of Moldova, as seen in the light of local and international media. It mainly aims at reflecting the response of the international community to this event, and the steps taken by the leadership of this country to achieve this result. The cultural, political, and social situation of the country are also addressed. For a better understanding of the topic, the terms «sovereignty» and «independence» have been defined, and the narrative highlights the consequences and prospects offered to the nation following this historical event.
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Under conditions of competition with other federal muftiates, the Central Spiritual Administration of the Muslims of Russia (TsDUM) has developed a deliberate focus on maintaining good relations with the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC). This paper analyses the strategy of TsDUM and its mufti Talagat Tadzhuddin regarding the ROC. The author argues that Tadzhuddin’s actions indicate he may be playing a more complicated game than his policy of cleaving closely to the ROC of itself suggests. Against researchers and experts who consider Tadzhuddin’s actions irrational, the author argues Tadzhuddin is a skilful strategist who has deliberately donned the mask of the holy fool (yurodivy). The author also offers a brief overview of the history of TsDUM in the 1990s and 2000s, exploring the reasons behind the disintegrative processes within the muftiate that began in 1992.
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« THE BRIDGE » is offered in PDF format comprising always the full issue as one file, not devided into individual articles. Please take a look into the TABLE of CONTENT and into the EDITORIAL for authors and texts of your interest.
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2019 je dočekala 30-u godišnjicu europskog 11/09-og – pad Berlinskog zida. Za razliku od 11/09 koji se desio 12 godina poslije, a kojeg mnogi sada povezuju sa završetkom anglo-američkog dominantnog kapitalizma, za mnoge Europljane, 11/09 označava konačni kraj Hladnog rata. Obaranje zida sa sobom je vrlo brzo donijelo kolaps komunizma – kako nam to zvanična priča veli. Stoga, to bi trebao biti datum koji se svake godine proslavlja kao krajnje, zauvijek postojeće otvaranje puta ka univerzalnom trijumfu slobode, globalno rasprostranjenoj ružičastoj budućnosti – jednom riječju: konačno samoispunjenje ljudske rase.
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Although there has been much discussion about the revival of Islam in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the last decade, only a handful of serious academic studies have been done on this topic. Apart from this, there have also been a number of rather misleading analyses and reports written by foreign journalists who have clearly missed out on the major driving force behind the greater visibility of Islam in some parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina and have disproportionately centered their attention most often on Saudi activities in the country. Although the impact of foreign factors is by no means to be neglected, in order to attain an all-encompassing picture of Islam in post-communist Bosnia and Herzegovina, all of the factors need to be accounted for.
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Amazingly, the first novel of the Portuguese writer to be published in Poland was not Memorial do Convento, proposed to the well known WL Editions in 1988, but O Evangelho Segundo Jesus Cristo, edited by an obscure publisher SAWW in 1991 and completely ignored by the critics. O Memorial do Convento was printed only in 1993 in London, and it shows the complicated, politically conditioned situation of the Polish culture after the breakdown of the communist rule in 1989. However, those mistakes were largely compensated afterwards: all Saramago’s novels were translated to Polish, and some of them had 6 and more editions. The champion in the Polish market is undoubtedly O Ensaio sobre a Cegueira, with 11 editions carried out by 3 different editors and preceded by two press “trailers”. This novel also seems to be the favorite of the critics, yet, in the erudite studies prevail, curiously enough, the God obsession in other works of this atheist writer.
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Both the official army music and combatants’ informal folk songs have always played a noteworthy role in their respective societies regardless whether this music was created as means of actual propaganda or subsequently as part of reinvented commemorative culture. This article focuses on comparison of the two most recent European armed conflicts, namely 1) the ethnically motivated conflicts in former Yugoslavia between 1992 and 1995/1999, and 2) the interethnic violence followed by Russian military intervention in Ukraine in 2014; the Russo-Ukrainian conflict has not yet been settled and still threatens to escalate. Building on wide range of primary and secondary sources (mainly of Western, Central and South-Eastern European provenience) that has been ignored by a regional scholarship, the paper seeks to provide a contextual background behind the war songs and to compare their prevalent patterns and typology of their inner dynamics and transformations. This paper will not inquire into international, economical or military implications of the aforementioned armed conflicts; it will focus specifically on textual and contextual analysis of those songs. Study brings completely new insights on phenomenon of war songs in East European and former Yugoslav environment and brings much-needed light on the intertwined social, cultural and identity relations that can be established between the former Yugoslav and post-Soviet countries. This topic is very important since state doctrine, national narratives, historical memory affect current and also future development of both regions what is clearly visible on elaborated material.
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Lev Gumilev, the son of the famous Russian poets Nikolai Gumilev and Anna Akhmatova, according to all the canons of history, had to remain in the shadow of his great parents. However, Lev Gumilev went down in history as a very outstanding personality, the author of the original idea of the birth and development of ethnicities, which was called the “passion” theory of ethnogenesis. This theory causes great controversy about its scientific nature to this day. Lev Gumilev developed his theory within the framework of the concept of Eurasianism. Among the wide variety of Eurasian peoples, Gumilev saw a common ethnic origin, common stereotypes of behavior that could lead to the geopolitical unity of the territory inhabited by them. At the end of the last century, primordialism in ethnology was rejected by the majority of the scientific community, and Gumilev’s ideas were criticized. However, last years the Eurasianist ideas of Lev Gumilev are experiencing a new wave of importance in connection with the strategic path of development that the Russian Federation has chosen for itself, which is progressively building the United Eurasian Community.
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The purpose of this article is to present the creation of the Visegrad Group as a result of the political visionary of the first post-communist leaders of Poland, Hungary and Czechoslovakia - Lech Walesa, Jozef Antal, Arpad Gönz and Vaclav Havel. United by their identical views on the future, they put aside long-standing bilateral contradictions and chose to cooperate with each other in the name of successful integration into Euro-Atlantic structures. Built to speed up pre-accession negotiations, the Visegrad Group proved to be a viable and effective organization that even intensified its activities after the accession of its members to the EU in 2004, and three decades after its establishment it established itself as one of the most stable regional organizations.The article describes the domestic political conditions in the three countries after the fall of the totalitarian system, as well as the changed international situation. The new foreign policy priorities, which are the basis of the idea of unification, are clarified in detail. The activities of the three statesmen as dissidents and their ideas for the future development of the society, which are the basis of the partnership between the Central European countries, are presented. The factors that influenced the establishment of the Visegrad Group are clarified, as well as the principles on which the cooperation between the member states is built. The primary goals of the organization are revealed on the basis of the founding declaration. It is concluded that thanks to the political visionary of its founders, the Visegrad Group is an example of effective cooperation.
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Political discourse on Europe and EU integration in the Albanian social and political reality has played an important role in all its continuity and evolution from the 1990s until today. It has been used by various political actors as one of the main instruments aimed at informing, propagating and communicating with the broad masses of the electorate and citizens. Discourse on Europe is also discourse as a form of thinking about identity, because all the values, beliefs and ideas it adheres to also determine how Albanian citizens see themselves in relation to the past, the present and the design of their future. The idea of Europe and the European identity of Albanians is not late among Albanians, which is articulated only from the 1990s onwards. On the contrary, the most common point of view considers the Albanian people with an early inherited European identity and also related with the geographical determination, which was lost as a result of historical fates and finally in an attempt to regain it. All this contributes to the further consolidation of an ideology of "deserved" integration in Europe, part of which we have been and must necessarily be. Therefore, this paper aims to analyse the Albanian political discourse focused on Europe as an idea and the attempt to transform the discourse for Europe, in an ideological hegemonic discourse. It aims to discuss whether Europe and EU integration has become the main hallmark of Albanian political discourse given the importance it takes in explaining, defining and justifying issues, actions and events in general.
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The article dedicated to the 30th anniversary of the restoration of the independent state of Lithuania addresses the beginning of the significant period in the history of Lithuania, i.e., the period of independence, which started after the Soviet era, and the problems of that time from the perspective of terminology. Most attention is paid to the activities of the Terminology Department at the Institute of the Lithuanian Language. It is where the major scientific and practical terminology work was accomplished after the independent state of Lithuania was restored: the publishing of the journal dedicated to terminology began; dictionaries of terms and terminology standards were evaluated from the perspective of terminology; the idea of the term database was conceived and developed.
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Na prostorima postsocijalističkih zemalja smo tek nakon promjene režima započeli temeljitije propitivati postojanje zajedničkog istočnoevropskog identiteta. Tako su interes zapadnog sistema umjetnosti za umjetnost Istočne Evrope i njena integracija u globalnu razmjenu ideja i među suvremenim umjetnicima država nasljednica Jugoslavije potakli svijest o značenju postignuća nekadašnjeg skupnog umjetničkog prostora, premda je opće poznato da nikada nismo bili tako izolirani ni tijesno ovisni o Moskvi kao druge socijalističke države. Očito je da su na pojedine umjetničke fenomene nedvojbeno utjecale političke, društvene, ideološke i estetske okolnosti koje su se razlikovale od države do države. Noviji historiografski pokušaji čitaju umjetnost jugoslavenskog modernizma s gledišta postmoderne odnosno političke situacije nakon »pada berlinskog zida« iz čega proizlaze problemi njene refleksije i evaluacije.
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This paper is an analysis of a recent series of criminal complaints by the Institute for the Investigation of the Crimes of Communism and the Memory of the Romanian Exile regarding preventable deaths in residential institutions for children with disabilities. I contrast the investigations with ethnographic and interview data surrounding one of the institutions included in the trial, as well as archival material. I argue that the criminal complaints have marked a turning point in the process of judicialization of the state socialist past through democratizing victim and perpetrator statuses and set in motion dynamics of cultural memory recognizing the deaths of children in institutions on a local level. Nevertheless, they also obliterate continuities of necropolitical practices in relation to institutions.
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