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Review of: Bărbulescu, Iordan Gheorghe. Noua Europă. Identitate şi model european [The New Europe. Identity and European Model]. Iaşi: Polirom, 2015. ISBN 978-973-46-5127-6.
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The paper analyzes the position of Yugoslavia towards the process of uniϐication of Western Europe, through the formation of the European Economic Community, as well as the perception of Yugoslavia itself in this process, mainly through its relations with the European socialist. On the one hand, attitudes of European socialists, signiϐicant for the process of integration, are being analyzed, while on the other, the attitudes of the Yugoslav government towards this phenomenon. Adding to this, the signiϐicance attributed to the forming of institutions of European integrations in the diplomatic reports is also perceived.
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The present paper deals with the challenging European integration of the Western Balkan states, underlying the key problems faced by both EU and Balkan states. EU strategy, based on the Stabilization and Association Process, adapted to the specific problems of the region but the credibility of the European promise must be kept even if the EU goes through institutional reforms. Western Balkan region is on the path to EU integration but its progress depends on how these states tackle the implementation of key reforms and how their decision –makers understand to propose and implement own solution to their own problems. The advancement of the whole region is dependent on the solving the Kosovo status and the fulfillment of the statehood of Bosnia-Herzegovina, two processes where the EU and international community have their huge contribution.
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In this paper there are described new tendencies which – in the recent times – have been taking place on the European market of commercial vehicles for freight transport. These processes are mainly caused by the forth industrial revolution which drives to creation of Industry 4.0 and connected with it Logistics 4.0, Transport 4.0 and Mobility 4.0. These changes have a strong influence on the activities of all parties involved in that part of the business – fleet suppliers, hauliers, customers. // W artykule opisano nowe tendencje, które można zaobserwować ostatnio na europejskim rynku pojazdów użytkowych do przewozów towarowych. Procesy te są głównie spowodowane tzw. czwartą rewolucją przemysłową, która doprowadziła do powstania Przemysłu 4.0 oraz związanych z nim: Logistyki 4.0 i Transportu 4.0. Zmiany te w znacznym stopniu wpływają na działalność – funkcjonowanie wszystkich stron włączonych w tę część biznesu – dostawców taboru, przewoźników, zleceniodawców.
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The purpose of the article is to present the method of constructing the GTI index used for a multidimensional assessment of a terrorist threat. Next, using Ward’s method, groups of EU countries similar in terms of the terrorism threat level will be identified. Particular attention was paid to the position of Poland, which due to its active participation in military operations in Afghanistan and Iraq, may be the target of a terrorist attack. The analyses show that Poland is in the group of countries with the lowest terrorism threat level. However, this threat cannot be underestimated. // Celem artykułu była prezentacja sposobu konstruowania miernika GTI wykorzystywanego do wielowymiarowej oceny zagrożenia terroryzmem. Następnie przy użyciu metody Warda zidentyfikowano grupę krajów UE podobnych pod względem zagrożenia terroryzmem. Szczególną uwagę zwrócono na pozycję Polski, która z powodu aktywnego udziału w działaniach militarnych w Afganistanie i Iraku czy rozmieszczenia wojsk amerykańskich może być celem ataku terrorystycznego. Z przeprowadzonych analiz wynika, że Polska znajduje się w grupie krajów o najmniejszym zagrożeniu terroryzmem, jednak zagrożenia tego nie można lekceważyć.
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The article notes that globalization brings not only the economies of different countries, but also creates certain prerequisites for the formation of global ethics is already indicated by a consensus on a number of key humanitarian values, values which represent a synthesis of East and West. Russia is certainly a European country, which, however, has a considerable territory in Asia, which is a formal obstacle to its eventual entry into the EU. In this regard, it’s necessary to find a form of “privileged partnership” with it, which would provide “a pan-European unity”. Despite the fact that now in Russian society and in the West, dominated by very different sentiments, the confrontation between Russia and Europe end sooner or later. For both sides, cooperation is no alternative. // Globalizacja, zdaniem autorów artykułu, zbliża nie tylko gospodarki różnych państw, ale stwarza określone przesłanki na rzecz stworzenia systemu globalnej etyki, czego dowodem jest kształtowanie się konsensusu w odniesieniu do szeregu kwestii związanych z wartościami humanitarnymi, które reprezentują syntezę Zachodu i Wschodu. Rosja jest niewątpliwie państwem europejskim, której jednak znaczna część położona jest w Azji, co jest formalną przeszkodą na drodze do członkostwa w Unii Europejskiej. W związku z tym obydwie strony muszą wypracować jakąś formę „uprzywilejowanego partnerstwa”, które zagwarantuje „paneuropejską jedność”. Mimo tego, że nastroje społeczne w Rosji i na Zachodzie nie sprzyjają zbliżeniu, konfrontacja pomiędzy Rosją i Europą zakończy się prędzej czy później. Dla dwustronnej współpracy nie ma bowiem alternatywy.
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Scopul acestui articol este să analizeze problema naţionalismului economic din perioada interbelică şi maniera în care a fost analizat de către Pietro Stoppani, avocat al regionalismului economic european. Studiul explorează stadiile realizării Uniunii Statelor Europene, ca factor economic şi politic care poate, pe de o parte, îndemna consolidarea relaţiilor dintre naţiuni şi, pe de altă parte, cauza eşecul acestui proiect. Toate aceste aspecte vor fi analizate în termeni de principii propuse de Adunarea Ligii Naţiunilor.
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The policymaking process of the European Union (EU) is particularly convoluted and reflects an institutional structure that is unique among governance entities. The institutional structure of the Union is complex, with a multitude of co-decision making and advisory bodies. The ways in which these institutions interact in the Union’s policymaking process (i.e., the EU’s organizational structure) is governed by a complex set of treaties. We argue that institutional and organizational structures have normative content because they embody specific ideologies of integration. A historical analysis of the evolution of European integration reveals that the peculiarities of the European Union's institutional and organizational structure are a result of the influence of three distinct ideologies about the desired nature of international organization: functionalism, intergovernmentalism, and federalism. The Union's roots as the European Coal and Steel Community and the ideas of Jean Monnet concerning the shape and path of European integration, moderated by federalist and intergovernmentalist ideas, were fundamental in determining the European Union’s institutional structure and shaping its policymaking process.
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Review of Pauli Heikkilä: Estonians for Europe. National Activism for European Unification 1922-1991. (Multiple Europes, Bd. 54.) P.I.E. Lang. Bruxelles u.a. 2014. 216 S. ISBN 978-2-87574-166-0. (€ 43,90.). Reviewed by Kaarel Piirimäe.
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Review of: Steffi Marung: Die wandernde Grenze. Die EU, Polen und der Wandel politischer Räume, 1990-2010. (Transnationale Geschichte, Bd. 1.) Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Göttingen 2013. 400 S. ISBN 978-3-525-30165-4. (€ 69,99.). Reviewed by Katarzyna Stokłosa.
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The prospective admission of the formerly communist countries of East Central Europe to the European Union (EU) has cast a critical light on the historical experience of the peoples of the area with federalism. How well has that experience prepared them for membership in the twentieth century's most successful confederation and the likely centerpiece of the emerging post-cold-war international order on the Continent? In particular, how has the fate and impact of federalist ideas and institutions in the region influenced the candidates' readiness to participate in an interstate structure requiring a substantial surrender of sovereignty? And how has their historical experience shaped their aptitude at the kind of international cooperation that is indispensable to keep the EU functioning? [...]
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The paper is aiming to analyze the role of the EU in the relationship between Romania and Italy. How do the two countries view their interaction with each other? Does the EU have an influence on the relationship between the two countries? And if it does, to what degree and to what end? The answer to these questions might reveal if anything can be done to improve the quality of the relationship between two countries most similar in language and culture.
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”Sine quo dubium”, over time, Romania, a member state of the EU since January 1st, 2007, has developed strong connections in the field of international relations with Poland, a member state of the EU since May 1st , 2004, but especially with Italy, a member state of the EU since January 1st, 1958, the official Romanian-Italian bilateral relations dating, according to the historical documents, from the second half of the XIX ͭ ͪ century, from that decades in which Romania struggled to acquire its national unity. The Romanian-Italian bilateral relations were sealed in 1873, with the creation of the first Romanian diplomatic agency in Rome, which later became the diplomatic representation of Romania in the Kingdom of Italy, in 1879. Also in 1879, Italy recognized Romania's independence. Since then, Romanian-Italian relations have continued to develop at political and economic level. The Romanian-Polish bilateral relations were established, at the level of provisional representation, in 1919 and in 1938, the diplomatic missions were raised at the level of embassy. In 2013, Romanian-Polish relations became very close, Poland offering unlimited support to Romania on its regionalization project, which unfortunately failed. At the moment, Europe is facing a new paradigm, that of "Europe of Regions", which comes to strengthen the role and importance of the regions and the regional level in the supranational architecture of the EU. In the context in which Italy and Poland are recognized in the EU as two states with strong and efficient regional systems that have played an important role in turning them into "spearheads of the European funds absorption" on the multi-annual financial exercise 2007-2013, the present study aims to make a comparative analysis of the regionalization systems of Italy and Poland and extract examples of good practices that can be applied in the case of Romania in order to create the framework of the Romanian regionalization plan that could lead to a better efficiency of European funds absorption, and also to the alignment of Romania at the European standards and to the new paradigms of the EU.
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In this short essay, I will try to contribute to analyze the question of qualified migrations from, to and within the European Union, not as a threat but as a very topical issue, emphasizing its positive and negative aspects. In times of high unemployment and quick social changes, the more legal migration represents a difficult cause to promote, the more it is important to manage it within a framework transparent, strictly objective and oriented to the interests of the EU citizens. Italy, as an immigration and an emigration country, represents a significant case history. Notwithstanding an evident shortage of skilled workers, from one side migrants’ insertion is just replacing Italians in the deficit and less attractive sectors, following a spontaneous “subaltern placement model” that in any case ensures a benefit for the national budget equal to 2 billion euros in 2015. From the other side, the emigration of Italian graduates is increasing (even if its quantitative dimension is not easy to ascertain), contributing at lowering the unemployment rates but also producing an annual loss equal to 1% of GDP. In both cases, the real problem seems to consist in the absence of a strategy capable of attracting and enhancing skilled workers in various sectors and this happens because currently – notwithstanding the shortages - the productive sectors seem apparently “trapped in a poorly qualified balance” and are not so dynamic as to employ the new Italian graduates and take advantage from those arriving from abroad.
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Romania and Italy have a long common history, from the Roman Empire to the European Union. They both shared a period of totalitarianism, Italy shorter than Romania and they have both been theaters of regime propaganda. Nowadays the development of social-media and the expansion of internet have led to the propagation of information at the speed of light. Citizens are bombarded with information on all possible channels, leading to the reemergence of an old communicational problem. It’s called disinformation. In a shifting geopolitical context, when information is used as a weapon, disinformation can be a threat to the membership to the common political structure, the European Union, for both countries, Romania and Italy. This paper aims at presenting a comparative analysis of the use of anti-EU false narratives in disinformation campaigns by foreign actors, on Romanian and Italian social-media platform, Facebook. The data was gathered using debunked cases by national authorities and the European External Action Service.
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Seven decades have passed since the presentation of Schuman’s declaration, a concise, powerful and visionary statement by French Minister Robert Schuman, which proposes the creation of the first European supranational organization for coal and steel. On May 9, 1950, at the French Ministry of Foreign affairs in Paris, the process of integration of European countries essentially began. The ideas and concepts of the Schuman Declaration, which represents a turning point in the history of Europe, are incorporated into all future European treaties, from the Paris Treaty establishing the European Coal and Steel Community, through the Treaties of Rome and all their amendments, to the 2007 Lisbon Reform Treaty. Europe developed on the affirmation of the principles of peace, solidarity, economic prosperity and common European values. Today, the idea of European unification gathers 27 European countries, and one of the countries knocking on the door of the Union is Montenegro. This paper gives a brief overview of the integration path of Montenegro towards the supranational organization sui generis, as the Union is today. The chronology of tracing the European path of Montenegro can be viewed in the broader context of establishing the first relations with the European Economic Community (EEC) of the then Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) in the period from 1967 to 1991, then the characteristics of relations with the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) with the then European Communities in the period from 1992 to 2003, and the relations that further developed in the period of the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro (SM) from 2003 to 2006, and finally the development of relations between the Union and the independent state of Montenegro in the period from the regaining Montenegrin independence in 2006 until today.
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The main goal of this essay is to see if there is a certain,real causal link between so called Marshall plan and what is well known as Schuman declaration; that is, in wider, general sense, it is about establishing historical link between America’s foreign policy after World War II (firstly,period 1947-1950) and the beginnings of what we now usually call European integration.The essay shows that Shuman declaration is in fact not original initiative, but rather response or reaction to huge pressure that USA, especially in autumn of 1949 and on, did put on French government and France. USA wanted from France to assume leadership in Western Europe, and to come up with solution for “German question”, that is, some proposal that would have strong European dimension, which would enable re-integration of Western Germany into Western Europe and the family of European nations…and so and by that at the same time matching one of the most important, if not the most important goal of america’s overall foreign policy of the time.
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