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Yom Tov Lipman Mülhausen (14th—15th cent.) spent part of his life in the Prague ghetto. The author analyses his religious rationalism and his method of word-for-word explanation of biblical texts (“peshat“), which Lipman set up against allegorical Christian exegesis. The analysis is based on his apologetic book “Sefer nitsahon“. Attention is also paid to Lipman’s polemics with contemporary radicals interpreting the Bible.
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In the Roma communities, especially after 1990, the Pentecostal Church in Romania had a considerable influence through missionary and charitable activities. Through various foreign humanitarian organisations in the USA and Europe, Pentecostal Christians began extensive campaigns to help poor Roma communities, on which occasion they also received a New Testament and were invited to attend services in Pentecostal churches. The missionary activities through which Pentecostal Christians came into contact with Roma communities served as a foundation and impetus for change in the lives of the Roma. As time passed, the results began to show, so that the biblical standards and moral values that the Roma saw in the evangelical Christian world led and encouraged them to adopt them as well. Thus the reception of the Gospel has meant significant changes among Roma communities, which have been observed even by state institutions, significantly decreasing the level of crime in evangelical Roma communities. The study also presents a case study, namely the village of Fântânele in Dâmbovița County, Romania.
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This study seeks to provide a working solution to the existence of inequalities and inefficiencies in the educational process of training and development of those who identify themselves as participants in this system. In the first part we will present, from a psychological point of view, the need for the existence of a good relationship within the educational process. The relationship and attitude will determine the efficiency with which it will be possible to work within a system that is intended to become better. In the second part of this study we will present the christian vision and mission as a working option in solving the educational crisis identified in our social context. In the last part we will analyze principles of approach, as working models, in making the educational process more efficient and improving this system drawing inspiration from the biblical message that Jesus Christ uses as a correction of a personal crisis developed by one who bore the title of teacher.
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The Covid-19 pandemic has affected all areas of life, including the religios life. Is the Church still relevant under these conditions? Is the people’s needs to belonging to the spiritual community, to be loved, prayed for, encouraged still to be met? In this context, the church had to find ways to continue to be the Comunity of Love, offering suport to its members and to the world aroud it.
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As for the end of history and the world as we know it, this is usually reinforced by the idea of justice, but an eternal and absolute justice that can only be provided by Someone Almighty, not a corrupt and unsatisfactory human justice. This sense of justice is found in all human beings throughout the ages, as evidenced by the many codes of law that have been developed over the centuries in an attempt to imitate divine justice. In the texts of the Holy Gospels, the Saviour gives us a much deeper understanding of the meaning of life after death. He emphasises the individual destiny of each person after death, moving away from the collective idea of judgement (of the whole nation) and giving each person a special value. Man is called to appropriate the resurrection of Christ in order to reign with him "a thousand years". But this co-reign will not be fully realized until the Second Coming of Christ, when the whole world will be purified and transfigured, but after the Universal Judgment, when eternal justice will be established.
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The article deals with the peraenetic representations of Judyta with particular emphasis on how she was portrayed in the epic poems of Rafał Leszczyński (1620) and Wacław Potocki (circa 1952). The author analyzes the differences of portrayal of the biblical widow in Guillaume du Bartas’ La Judit and the Polish paraphrasing of said text by Rafał Leszczyński (Iudith). Those differences were influenced not only by political, but also by moral and social factors. The best example and proof of that is the shortened and modest (as compared to the original) description of Judyta’s beauty found in Leszczyński’s text.
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The names of the biblical books presented are in Romanian, Slavonic, and Hebrew. The translator of the Chronicle from the beginning of the world also used a Slavonic Bible to translate biblical fragments, as indicated by the names in Slavonic. Many of the biblical insertions presented are in Slavonic, which indicates a high level of knowledge of this language, but also of knowledge of the Greek language, at least through the translation of the Chronicle. As we have previously demonstrated, the use of Hebrew titles indicates an increased interest in encyclopedic matters and a strong connection to the text of the Bible. In accordance with its Romanian title, Manuscript 4389 presents the Hebrew titles of the biblical books, which are likely assimilated from the Slavonic original of this translation. The dates provided lead us again to believe that the translator of the Chronicle held a close relationship with the act of translating the Bible. Not only was he a polyglot, but he also possessed an extensive knowledge of the contents of the Holy Scriptures. This is evident from the fact that he frequently supplemented the dates in the Greek text with references to biblical elements. We maintain that the complex personality being referred to here is that of Nicolae Milescu Spătarul, who was the first person to translate the Bible into Romanian. He had extensive knowledge of dogma, which he acquired during his studies at the School of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, as well as through reading and translating books and manuscripts, also reproduced in Enchiridion sive stella Orientalis Occidentali splendens, which was written in Latin.
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We propose a discursive analysis of the biblical motif of the burning bush, as exploited stylistically and interpreted spiritually and symbolically in the Akathist Hymn dedicated to it in Romanian culture by the monk Daniel (Daniil Sandu Tudor), the initiator of the Hesychast spiritual prayer movement “the Burning Bush” from the Antim monastery in Bucharest. We’ll be working on the French version of this Akathist, produced by archimandrite Father Placide Deseille with the help of one of the leading members of the “Burning Bush”, Father André Scrima. The Akathist Hymn associates the Mother of God with the burning bush, which burned without being consumed, evoked in the Book of Exodus, a “concrete” form of theophany witnessed by the prophet Moses on Mount Horeb (Exodus 3:2-5). According to patristic exegesis, Moses saw the Mother of God in the burning bush. This analogy with the burning bush underlines the fact that the Mother of God represents the symbol of uninterrupted prayer, “the Queen of prayer and her incarnation”, who intercedes unceasingly for the faithful before her Son.
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The present paper will discuss the problem of chapter and verse division of the Old Testament in some of the Romanian Bible translations, especially the Synodal Bibles starting with the second Synodal Bible of 1936 and up till 2015, the most recent edition. This group of Synodal Bibles innovated the Romanian translation by combining the Hebrew Text and the Septuagint, and thus leaving aside the tradition of following the Septuagint which was still represented by the first Synodal edition of 1914. Thus, the Orthodox Church of Romania is reading now a hybrid text for the Old Testament.
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Răspuns împotriva Catihismusului calvinesc is a polemic text by Metropolitan Varlaam, printed in the 17th century. In this text, Varlaam combats the ideas of a Calvinist text that appeared at that time, so he builds his argumentative discourse on the basis of biblical quotations, the truth of which cannot be questioned. Moreover, through the examples he offers, Varlaam guides the receivers to interpret the sacred text in accordance with the norms of the Orthodox faith and the Eastern patristic tradition.
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This study addresses the usage of biblical and patristic references in the 14-15th century Lives of local Muscovite saints. It aims to provide an overview of Muscovite hagiography, from the earliest anonymous texts to the works of Pachomius the Serb. The Lives were transformed over time, in numerous redactions intended for different use. They were introduced into liturgical practice, private devotion, or chronicle writing. I will focus on three cases, the first anonymous redaction of the Life of the Holy Metropolitan Peter, the second redaction of the Life of Peter, written by the metropolitan Cyprian, and the Life of Saint Sergii of Radonezh written by Epiphanius the Wise in order to discuss the cultural milieu which influenced each author’s choice of references.
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Cyrillic early printed Tetraevangelion issued in 1561 in Braşov by Deacon Coresi was the first edition containing the Good News solely in Romanian language. It was widely studied from different perspectives, while its liturgical tradition, fully written in Church Slavonic language, did not draw scholars’ attention. The study examines the commemorations of saints and feasts as well as various events present in the Menologion of 1561 Romanian edition with special attention paid to eight Romanian-Bulgarian Tetraevangelia issued in the 16th century. The study proved that 1561 Coresi’s Romanian Tetraevangelion closely follows the liturgical tradition reflected in the 1562 Romanian-Bulgarian Gospel edition, and varies in this regard from two Tetraevangelia printed in 1546 and 1551-1553 in Sibiu by Filip Pictor Moldoveanu.
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This paper examines the stylistic and rhetorical capabilities of Bartolomeu Anania's translation and annotation, particularly in the Gospels. Reading the Bible as literature is the key point of Anania's edition since the writers of the Bible utilize a variety of literary genres. Some of these forms correspond to the literary forms present in the author's surrounding cultures. This is also the case for B. Anania, who was a reputed literary personality, not only a theologian. In his edition, virtually every footnote is filled with literary techniques, particularly rhetorical: metaphors, hyperboles, litotes, metonymy, synecdoche, oxymorons. We aim to study these techniques compared with the original biblical text.
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Es ist interessant, dass man aus den Apokryphen mehr über die rätselhaftes-te biblische Figur, Maria Magdalena, erfährt als aus der Bibel selbst. Die biblische Geschichte beginnt mit der ersten Begegnung Maria Magdalenas mit Jesus (der sieben böse Geister aus ihr austrieb) mit Szenen, in denen ihm teure Salbe auf den Kopf gegossen und seine Füße gewaschen werden. Danach wurde Maria Magdalena die treueste Gefährtin Jesu, seine begabtes te Jüngerin, die Person, die der Kreuzigung beiwohnte, und hatte das Glück, dass ihr Jesus nah der Auferstehung zum ersten Mal erschien. In Verbindung mit Jesus erlangte sie die Fähigkeit, selbst zu predigen und zu lehren, und erhielt daher den Namen “Apostelin der Apostel“. Ihre Herkunft und ihr Leben bis zur Begegnung mit Christus und auch nach seiner Auferstehung wurden in den von Jacobus de Vereigne gesammelten apokryphen Evangelien beschrieben und in seiner später oft gedruckten Werkes (erstmals 1473 in Lyon) Legenda aurea (Die goldene Legende) niedergeschrieben. Aus diesem Werk erfährt man, dass Marias Vater Syrus, ein Jude, war, dass sie ein en Bruder Lazarus und eine Schwester Martha hatte und dass sie Magdalena nach der Stadt Magdala genannt wurde, die sie nach dem Tod ihres Vaters geerbt hatte. Sie verlor Ihre Eltern schon früh und führte daher in ihrer Jugend ein aussch weifendes Leben, weshalb sie als “öffentliche Sünderin“ bezeichnet wurde. Sie hat öffentlich gesündigt und öffentlich bereut. Nach der Auferstehung Jesu predigte sie eine Zeit lang als Apostelin, dann wurde Sie zusammen mit ihrem Bruder Lazarus und ihrer Schwester Martha gezwungen, in ein Boot ohne Ruder zu steigen, das auf wundersame Weise nach Marseille segelte. Dort zog sie sich nach einer kurzen apostolischen Tätigkeit in eine Höhle zurück, wo sie dreißig Jahre lang als Asket lebte und auf alle körperlichen Freuden verzichtete. Über Jahrhunderte hinweg inspirierte di Persönlichkeit Maria Magdalenas Wis senschaftler und Künstler, die sich regelmäßig auf ihre Weiblichkeit kon zentrierten und sie aus zwei äußerst gegensätzlichen Blickwinkeln darstellten, als Hure oder als Heilige. In der kroatischen Literatur taucht Maria Magdalena erstmals in den Gedichten von Nikola Nalješković, Ivan Bunić Vučić und Ignjat Đurđević auf. Und obwohl über diese Werke in allen Schulbüchern reichlich geschrieben wird, das kroatische Literaturpublikum weiß noch nicht, dass es auch ein sehr erfolgreiches Gedicht Das Lied über Maria Magdalena gibt, das 1632 in Nedelišće in Murinsel auf der kajkavi-schen Sprache geschrieben wurde. Es ist zweiteilig angelegt und umfasst einhundert drei Strophen. Das Kroatische Literaturpublikum weiß auch nicht, dass es eine parallele un garische Version derselben poetischen Geschichte gibt. Bei beiden Tex-ten handelt sich höchstwahrscheinlich um eine freie Wiedergabe einer deut-schen Vorlage. Der kajkavische Übersetzer blieb, leider, unbekannt. Es ist jedoch bekannt, das die Ungarische Version im selben Jahr von János Bodo Szentmartoni, dem produktivsten ungarischen Dichter des 17. Jahrhunderts, in Kolozsvar (Klausenburg, Rumänien) verfasst wurde. Seine Übersetzung wurde erstmals 1683 in Levoča (Löcse) auch in gedruckter Form veröffentlicht und erlebte später zahlreiche gedruckte Ausgaben. Auf kroatischer Seite handelt es sich hier um die erste systematische Präsenta tion dieses außergewöhnlichen Werkes und erstmals wird ein transkribierter Nach druck des gesamten Manuskripts vorgelegt. Auf kroatischer Seite handelt es sich hier um die erste systematische Präsenta tion dieses außergewöhnlichen Werkes und erstmals wird ein transkribierter Nach druck des gesamten Manuskripts vorgelegt.
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La metáfora neoplatónica »regio dissimilitudinis« invoca, negativamente, el concepto de semejanza, y ésta, según el modo en que san Agustín leyó a Plotino, implica a la vez un imperativo del regreso al Creador o »imitatio Christi«. Este fundamento doctrinal tiene también raíces biográficas, durante el tiempo en que san Agustín fue parte de la gnosis maniquea; luego, la lectura de los »Libri Platonicorum« le dio los elementos para un acercamiento metafísico a las Escrituras; nos ocupamos, en definitiva, de los supuestos teóricos y existenciales de la conversión de san Agustín, comprendidos como un modo de participar en la vida divina. Nuestro método es filológico en un doble sentido, pues nos ocupamos de la letra en sí (Confessiones) y de las lecturas comprendidas en aquellas confesiones, recorriendo esa tierra de desemejanza que es el lenguaje
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Il rapporto tra il testo masoretico (TM) nell’edizione del manoscritto di Leningrado e il testo greco della Settanta (LXX) nelle edizioni critiche di Alfred Rahlfs e Robert Hanhart ed anche di Joseph Ziegler è veramente complesso. È necessario analizzare i testi confrontando meticolosamente le diverse testimonianze testuali che sono giunte ai lettori di oggi attraverso la storia della trasmissione degli stessi testi. In questo contributo, dunque, l’autore presenta un’analisi del confronto tra il TM del libro di Isaia e le diverse versioni testuali del testo greco dello stesso profeta apportate dalle edizioni critiche del testo greco della Settanta. Più precisamente, analizziamo il testo di Isaia 25 alla luce delle diverse tradizioni testuali, sia ebraiche che greche, per vedere finalmente se possiamo parlare di diverse teologie che sarebbero presenti nei testi dei diversi manoscritti che prenderemo in considerazione quando si tratta del testo di Is 25.
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Basil of Caesarea (329–379), in his Homilia dicta tempore famis et siccitatis, responds to the famine caused by the drought and to the social problems that emerged during the calamity. He first identifies the causes of the calamity as human sin and the lack of love of neighbour towards the poor. He then shows the imperatives of human and Christian behaviour and proposes concrete measures to end the famine. The paper seeks to systematically group and analyse Basil's reflections based on Scripture and theological arguments. Three thematic blocks are discussed: the moral–spiritual, the social–communal and the teleological–theological. These thematic blocks provide a better understanding of the deeper reasons behind Basil's desire to change the situation as soon as possible and reveal the concrete conditions and means of action that Basil proposes.
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**Abstract**: The premiere of Aleksis Kivi's drama "Lea" (1869) is considered the birth of Finnish theater. The play is based on Luke 19:1-10, where Jesus meets the wealthy tax collector Zacchaeus, who repents and offers to give half his wealth to the poor. Kivi expands this biblical scene by introducing Zacchaeus's daughter Lea, who is courted by two men: the Pharisee Joas and the Sadducee Aram. Joas loses interest when Zacchaeus decides to give away his wealth, allowing Lea to marry Aram, whom she loves. The play emphasizes themes of faith, repentance, and social justice, reflecting Kivi's deep engagement with biblical texts and contemporary religious thought. Finnish literary critic Viljo Tarkiainen notes Kivi's use of Ernest Renan's "Life of Jesus" for historical context but highlights Kivi's unique biblical interpretation. The play's religious and social themes underscore its significance in Finnish literature and theater.
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