Izbor - Kosmet, 2008 / 11 / 14

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Serbian

PASKAL MILJO: MITROVICA KAO DRUGI JERUSALIM (RTK - Priština) I OVAJ PUT BI MOGLO DA BUDE BOLNIH KOMPROMISA! (Radio “Kosova e lirë” - Priština) KO JE KRIV ZA PROBLEME EULEKSA? (Koha ditore - Priština) PROTIVNICI EULEKSA I SLEDBENICI DESTABILIZACIJE KOSOVA (Zëri - Priština) EULEKS POSTAJE UNMIK (Koha ditore - Priština) TADIĆ ODBIJA POSLEDNJU PONUDU UNMIK-a (Zëri - Priština) PREGOVARAČKI HAOS (Express - Priština) KAKVE SU ŠANSE DA EULEKS DOBIJE PODRŠKU SB OUN? (Zëri - Priština) PRISTUP POPUŠTANJA (Zëri - Priština) KONKRETNI POSLOVI ZA STABILIZOVANJE REGIONA (Zëri - Priština) ŠTA SE DESILO U TROUGLU OUN-UNMIK-SRBIJA POSLE NEZAVISNOSTI (Zëri - Priština) MITROVICA - ETNIČKO ČIŠĆENJE ALBANSKOG STANOVNIŠTVA (Telegrafi - Priština) UNMIK - ZAŠTITNIK “NOVOG STANJA” STVORENOG NA SEVERU (Zëri - Priština) PODELA KOSOVA - FAKTIČKO ILI HIPOTETIČKO PITANJE? (Radio “Kosova e lirë” - Priština) ZBOGOM, ISTOČNO KOSOVO! (Dervina.com) KOSOVCI - ALBANCI ILI LJUDI BEZ IDENTITETA? (Telegrafi - Priština) ŠTA JE TRAŽIO SRPSKI MITROPOLIT NA SEVERU ALBANIJE (Shqip - Tirana) MITROPOLIT “MRTVE VOJSKE” (Metropol - Tirana) VELIKOSRPSKI ETNIČKI INŽENJERING U SKADRU (Dervina.com) KRAJ BALKANA (Koha ditore - Priština) ALBANSKO-KOSOVSKA SARADNJA (Kosova sot - Priština) MALI DOBRICA (Infopress - Priština)

HELSINŠKE SVESKE №05: "Otpor", in or beyond politics

Author(s): Vladimir Ilić / Language(s): English

The popular movement Otpor (Resistance) is a phenomenon which has left its mark on Serbia’s political stage at the very end of the last decade of the 20th century. Having been established in 1998, it attracted media attention, launched various actions and, especially, grew in numbers and organized structurally at the height of a police crackdown against its members in the spring of 2000. Otpor has played a major part in persuading the ‘silent majority’ to go to the September 2000 polls in order to bring forward the end the neo-socialist regime. Although the full significance of the part played by Otpor can only be assessed on the basis of comprehensive and reliable information about the events and activities leading to the September 24 election results which greatly facilitated the October 5 overthrow, such data as were available fully justify the assessment given above. This study is the result of an empirical questionnaire-type survey carried out in the latter part of October 2000. Irrespective of whether Otpor as such will continue to grow and operate – for the situation has changed radically since its formative days – its organization and the attitudes and frame of mind of its members are a topic which it not without interest. At present, Otpor is highly popular among the general public and is often seen as possessing charismatic attributes. However, it has been pointed out that unreserved praise is sometimes a sign that the recipient is about to perform his swan-song; undivided flattery as a rule is counterproductive in the case of those social actors, especially large political organizations, who are perceived as serious obstacles to groups already controlling large resources of society or at least those who aspire to increase their control of such resources. The absence of any public criticism of Otpor so far may mean that it is regarded as someone who has played his role and is now expected to exit the stage as a relative autonomous political factor; this, of course, does not mean that certain factions and individual members of Otpor may not be recruited by some political parties and other interested organizations. After all, Otpor is still needed as a reserve echelon until the December republican elections in Serbia to throw its weight behind certain political goals such as loosening the grip of the defeated extreme left- and right-wing groupings on these resources, or at least to help the so-called democratic opposition to remain together as the challenge of its political adversaries weakens. However, generally speaking, the absence of any principled opposition to Otpor leads us to the conclusion that its effective influence is less and less; we must bear in mind that the extent of criticism levelled against somebody is a most reliable indicator of his influence on public life. Needless to say, all foretelling is risky; we have all been surprised by events we considered the least likely of a number of possibilities at the time of their prediction. At least we hope that the material presented here will give a true picture of the organization because we believe that it was collected during a period coinciding with the organization’s developed stage.

HELSINŠKE SVESKE №05: "Otpor" - više ili manje od politike

Author(s): Vladimir Ilić / Language(s): Serbian

The popular movement Otpor (Resistance) is a phenomenon which has left its mark on Serbia’s political stage at the very end of the last decade of the 20th century. Having been established in 1998, it attracted media attention, launched various actions and, especially, grew in numbers and organized structurally at the height of a police crackdown against its members in the spring of 2000. Otpor has played a major part in persuading the ‘silent majority’ to go to the September 2000 polls in order to bring forward the end the neo-socialist regime. Although the full significance of the part played by Otpor can only be assessed on the basis of comprehensive and reliable information about the events and activities leading to the September 24 election results which greatly facilitated the October 5 overthrow, such data as were available fully justify the assessment given above. This study is the result of an empirical questionnaire-type survey carried out in the latter part of October 2000. Irrespective of whether Otpor as such will continue to grow and operate – for the situation has changed radically since its formative days – its organization and the attitudes and frame of mind of its members are a topic which it not without interest. At present, Otpor is highly popular among the general public and is often seen as possessing charismatic attributes. However, it has been pointed out that unreserved praise is sometimes a sign that the recipient is about to perform his swan-song; undivided flattery as a rule is counterproductive in the case of those social actors, especially large political organizations, who are perceived as serious obstacles to groups already controlling large resources of society or at least those who aspire to increase their control of such resources. The absence of any public criticism of Otpor so far may mean that it is regarded as someone who has played his role and is now expected to exit the stage as a relative autonomous political factor; this, of course, does not mean that certain factions and individual members of Otpor may not be recruited by some political parties and other interested organizations. After all, Otpor is still needed as a reserve echelon until the December republican elections in Serbia to throw its weight behind certain political goals such as loosening the grip of the defeated extreme left- and right-wing groupings on these resources, or at least to help the so-called democratic opposition to remain together as the challenge of its political adversaries weakens. However, generally speaking, the absence of any principled opposition to Otpor leads us to the conclusion that its effective influence is less and less; we must bear in mind that the extent of criticism levelled against somebody is a most reliable indicator of his influence on public life. Needless to say, all foretelling is risky; we have all been surprised by events we considered the least likely of a number of possibilities at the time of their prediction. At least we hope that the material presented here will give a true picture of the organization because we believe that it was collected during a period coinciding with the organization’s developed stage.

HELSINŠKE SVESKE №23: Žene i deca - 4. Srbija u modernizacijskim procesima XIX i XX veka

Author(s): Vera Gudac-Dodić,Momčilo Isić,Dubravka Stojanović,Sanja Petrović Todosijević,Olivera Milosavljević,Andrej Šemjakin,Radmila Radić,Aleksandra Vuletić / Language(s): Serbian

"Helsinške sveske" pod naslovom Žene i deca proizišle su iz projekta Srbija u modernizacijskim procesima XIX i XX veka. Saradnici koji su ovaj projekat začeli devedesetih godina prošlog veka pronalazili su razne izdavače za zbornike radova u kojima su saopštavali rezultate svojih istraživanja. Tako su se prva dva zbornika pojavila u izdanju Instituta za noviju istoriju Srbije; treći u izdanju autora, koje je potpisala Dubravka Stojanović, dok se četvrti zbornik pojavljuje u okviru pomenute edicije Helsinškog odbora za ljudska prava u Srbiji. Hronološka granica istraživanja pomerena je već u drugom zborniku unazad: obuhvaćen je i XIX vek, što znači: srpska država i društvo u celom modernom dobu. U isto vreme, sužen je sadržaj istraživanja. Za razliku od prvog zbornika, koji ima multidisciplinarni karakter, jer su istraživana razna područja (ekonomija, politika, prosveta i obrazovanje, kultura), u narednim zbornicima preovlađuju istoričari koji se bave društvenom istorijom a u fokusu istraživanja je jedan problem: položaj žene, uticaj elita, žene i deca. U oba slučaja, istraživanja su podjednako delimična: ona ne predstavljaju celinu ni u hronološkom smislu ni u smislu obuhvaćenosti svih aspekata relevantnih za problem koji je istraživan. Na ovakav pristup modernizacijskim procesima u Srbiji XIX i XX veka uticalo je više činilaca: stanje istraženosti; teorijske osnove istraživanja; raščlanjenost istorijskog procesa, to jest njegova periodizacija, kako bi se uočila njegova dinamika i glavne karakteristike.

BETON - Kulturno propagandni komplet br. 67, god. IV, Beograd, utorak, 24. mart 2009.

Author(s): Milica Jovanović,Nemanja Mitrović,Boško Tomašević,Predrag Lucić,Branko Đukić,Krisztina Rácz / Language(s): Serbian

MIXER, Milica Jovanović: Društvo na kraju vaseljene; antiCEMENT, Nemanja Mitrović: Kako ukloniti kognitivni blok; ŠTRAFTA, Kristina Rac: Jezička prava manjina u Vojvodini, Boško Tomašević: Proglas; VREME SMRTI I RAZONODE, Predrag Lucić: Kad su cfetale tikfe; BULEVAR ZVEZDA, SELIĆ, Momčilo; BLOK BR. V, Branko Đukić: Ne cvikaj generacijo

BETON - Kulturno propagandni komplet br. 34, god. II, Beograd, utorak, 11. decembar 2007.

Author(s): Miloš Jovanović,Saša Ćirić,Zoran Janić,Tomislav Marković,Jelena Jurjevna Guskova,Momčilo Mihajlović / Language(s): Serbian

MIXER, Miloš Jovanović: Crkveni (u)govori seksualne slobode, CEMENT, Saša Ćirić: Ni poezije ni smrti; ARMATURA, Zoran Janić: Reči bez stvari; VREME SMRTI I RAZONODE, Momčilo Mihajlović: Miris poljskog smeća, Tomislav Marković: Istorija kožne bolesti; BULEVAR ZVEZDA, GUSKOVA, Jelena Jurjevna; BLOK BR. V, Karta srpskog spasa 2

BETON - Kulturno propagandni komplet br. 32, god. II, Beograd, utorak, 13 novembar 2007.

Author(s): Miloš Jovanović,Marjan Čakarević,Igor Đorđević,Srđan Nastasijević,Miloš Živanović,Kosta Čavoški,Tomislav Marković / Language(s): Serbian

MIXER, Miloš Jovanović: Homoseksualnost u Svetom pismu; CEMENT, Marjan Čakarević: Elektra nacije; ŠTRAFTA, Igor Đorđević: Reportaža sa Sajma; ARMATURA, Srđan Nastasijević: Nacionalistički sengrup...; VREME SMRTI I RAZONODE, Miloš Živanović: The Ham-Ham Brothers; BULEVAR ZVEZDA, ČAVOŠKI, Kosta; BLOK BR. V, Nikola Vitković: Livnica Astro-tehnike

Credință, sănătate și politică în vremea pandemiei de COVID-19: 11-15 aprilie 2020

Author(s): Bruno Stefan / Language(s): Romanian

The survey was conducted between April 11-15, 2020 on a sample of 1008 people selected from 116 urban and rural localities in all counties of Romania. He measured people’s religious beliefs (in God, Hell, the Last Judgment, icons, reincarnation), self-perception (lucky, happy, hardworking, patriotic), self-assessment of the health of certain organs or problems (heart, brain, bones, teeth, infections), the perception of the involvement of the authorities in the management of the COVID crisis, the trust in the political leaders, the voting intentions.

Nepoštovanje dogovora

Author(s): Sofija Mandić / Language(s): Serbian

Nije nas iznenadilo to što je protekle nedelje Srpska pravoslavna crkva od državnog vrha tražila prekid zabrane kretanja radi održavanja uskršnje liturgije. Ovim zahtevom crkva je zatražila poseban status koji uživa i van vanrednog stanja – poput poreskih povlastica i neiscrpnog i višegodišnjeg finansiranja crkvenih aktivnosti i potreba iz državnog budžeta. Nakon što je epidemiologdr Predrag Kon zapretio ostavkom, a stvarni gospodar epidemiološke zaštite razgovarao sa patrijarhom, crkva je saopštila da će „poštovati državne mere“ u suzbijanju epidemije.prekid zabrane kretanjaprekid zabrane kretanja

Odvojena od države, a i od prava

Author(s): Vesna Rakić Vodinelić / Language(s): Serbian

Republika Srbija je svetovna država. Crkve i verske zajednice su odvojene od države. Nijedna religija ne može se uspostaviti kao državna ili obavezna. (Član 11. Ustava Republike Srbije) Premijerka nas je nedavno obavestila da je jedan od prioriteta Vlade – vladavina prava.

U takvom društvu...

Author(s): Miloš V. Janković / Language(s): Serbian

Učiteljica iz jedne novosadske osnovne škole imala je, prošle nedelje, nesvakidašnju ideju kako da se bori protiv korone. Ona je predložila da se učionica u kojoj predaje svakoga dana okadi tamjanom, a da se učenici onda pomole. Predlog je iznela roditeljima u okviru vajber grupe, a njih osamnaest od ukupno dvadeset troje koliko ih je glasalo, izjasnilo se pozitivno. Uprkos većinskoj želji roditelja da se realizuje predložena praksa, uprava škole kategorično je odbacila predlog.

BETON - Kulturno propagandni komplet br. 220, god. XV, Beograd, utorak, 16. jun 2020.

Author(s): Dušan Grlja,Branislav Dimitrijević,Vladimir Milojković,Vesna Madžoski,Mirjana Dragosavljević / Language(s): Serbian

MIKSER, Dušan Grlja: Crna i Gora država– O feudalizmu XXI veka; BLOK BR. V, Studiostrip: Primeri 51; anti-CEMENT, Branislav Dimitrijević: Poznavanje prirode i društva; ŠTRAFTA, Vesna Madžoski: Crni kvadrat, beli okvir; ZID, Mirjana Dragosavljević: Gde budućnost počinje?; TENDERSKA DOKUMENTACIJA, Vladimir Milojković: Zatvor

Biserica Ortodoxă Rusă în spațiul baltic între anii 1836-1848

Author(s): Andrei Gaju / Language(s): Romanian Publication Year: 0

In the first half of the 18th century Russia enlarged its borders and became an empire stretching from the steppes of Central Asia to the Baltic Sea. As a result, along with the territories and different ethnic groups, the religious traditions of these countries are incorporated into the Russian Empire. By extending its borders to the North-West, the Russian Empire is subjugating several peoples who traditionally profess Protestantism. Like any empire, Russia tries to merge the annexed peoples and territories by building a single state with a single political centre. Thus, in the mid-19th century, the political issue was not only the Russification of these peoples, but also their conversion to the majority confession of the empire - Orthodoxy. Therefore, this paper aims to give a brief historical account of the events of 1836-1848, when a massive process of accession to the Russian Orthodox Church of the Protestant population of the Baltic region took place.

SPC-E JE U PREDVEČERJE RASPADA JUGOSLAVIJE VJEŠTO MOBILIZIRALA EMOCIJE SRPSKOG NARODA ZA RATOVE 90-TIH

Author(s): Irena Antić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

Interview with Irena Antić

Семантика и литерарна функциjа „симбола“ у житиjама Jевтимиjа Трновског

Author(s): Polydoros Gkoranis / Language(s): English,Macedonian,Old Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

Света гора Сливенска и Света гора Атонска. За два сакрални района преди християнството

Author(s): Georgi Kovachev / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

This article compares the ancient heritage of two medieval monastery societies, the Holy mountain of Sliven and the Holy mountain of Athos. Apollo, Dionysus, Zeus, and the Great Mother Goddess were celebrated in both regions as described by ancient sources, art works, archeological and numismatical evidences, and contemporary customs and folklore. According to the research, Dionisos and Orphical rituals were practiced in Antiquity in both areas, perhaps by domestic organized male societies.

Идеите на исихазма, отразени в творчеството на Патриарх Евтимий

Author(s): Antoaneta Buyuklieva / Language(s): English,Bulgarian,Old Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

This article examines the works of Patriarch Evtimii, founder of the Tarnovo Literari School and an undoubted authority in the spiritual and cultural life of medieval Bulgaria, in connection with the ideas of the most powerful ideological movement – the Hesychasm. The ideas of hesyhast doktrine are indirectly reflected in the life and encomium of the writer through the image of the characters who have the features of the perfect Hesychast. Evtimii’s answers in his messages directly reflect the ideas of hesychasm of unity of the church and dominion over secular authority and fight against the moral corruption. The analysis of Patriarch Evtimii proves that his entire literary work is subject to the strict moral norms that impose the hesychasm as a spiritual trend, as well as to the high artistic and aesthetic criteria he forms in the literature – true and artistic translations, richly decorated style, exquisite phrase.

III. Rodna perspektiva - Pravoslavna tradicija

Author(s): Milica Bakić-Hayden,Marija Grujić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

ojam antropologije u pravoslavno-hrišćanskoj tradiciji odnosi se na hrišćansko učenje o čoveku, njegovoj ličnosti i prirodi, a u širem kontekstu Božijeg plana i na ljudsko spasenje, pa se u tom smislu razlikuje od upotrebe ovog termina kao naučne discipline. Shodno biblijskom otkrovenju, ljudsko biće ili čovek (anthropos) stvoren je po obličju Božijem, kao slika Njegova. Tako u knjiizi Postanja Starog zaveta čitamo: I stvori Bog čovjeka po o b lič ju svojemu, po obličju Bozijemu stvori ga; m uško i žen sko s tv o ri ih (Post.1, 26-27). Čovek - a vidimo da to znači i muškarac i žena - podjednako u sebi nose lik Božiji. Ne kaže se, po rečima jedne savremene pravoslavne teologinje, da su "muškost i ženskost aspekti samog Božijeg bića ili da ono što znači biti stvoren po liku Božijem jeste biti muško ili žensko. Naprosto i jednostavno se kaže da su oboje, i muškarac i žena, podjednako stvoreni po liku Božijem". To s jedne strane znači da je nemoguće proniknuti u dublji smisao čovekove prirode van njegovog odnosa sa Bogom, a sa druge, nemoguće razumeti taj odnos u celosti ako se on ne sagledava u svom muško-ženskom kompleksu. Pošto se na hrišćanskom istoku o tom odnosu često govori(lo) kao o 'učestvovanju u Bogu' - koje nije "samo intelektualno saznanje, već stanje celokupnog ljudskog bića, preobraženog blagodaću, i slobodno sadejstvovanje sa njom naporom i voljom uma" - zbunjujuće deluje istorijska stvarnost u kojoj se o ovoj posebnoj čovekovoj privilegiji govorilo skoro isključivo sa stanovišta muškog iskustva. To ne samo da je ishodilo svojevrsnim redukcionizmom u teorijsko-teološkom smislu, nego i raznim oblicima podređivanja, nipodaštavanja i diskriminacije žene u njenoj praktično-istorijskoj realnosti.

Imperijalni imaginarij 1918.–2008. Velikosrpstvo Radikalne stranke

Author(s): Tihomir Cipek / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

This text supports the thesis that Great Serbian imperialism represents a “structure of long duration” which vitally determines Serbian politics in the 19th and 20th century. It has already been shown why the manner and form that defined the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes in 1918 proves that the Serbian political elite saw it as an expanded Serbia, a kind of Serbian empire. The example of the politics of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Serbian hi-story textbooks, and especially the contemporary politics of the Serbian Radical Party with emphasis on its electoral slogans for the Serbian parliamentary elections of 2006 and 2008 point to the basic arguments which prove the thesis that Serbian imperialism is a structure of long duration. It is concluded that the widespread acceptance of Greater Serbian ideology in Serbian society re-presents an “epistemological catastrophe” which is the reason that Serbia is a divided society and an incomplete state.

Crkve kao protivnici komunističkog sistema u Jugoslaviji – sličnosti i razlike

Author(s): Radmila Radić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

If certain of the determinants that appear in the literature dealing with the Yugoslavian dissident movement which label as dissidents all those whose thinking opposed the ruling majority are accepted, including anti-communists and nationalists, that is to say, if all those who were able to contribute to the subversion and destruction of communism while creating a new space for culture and information delimited from the state are labelled dissidents, then we can place the activity of the Churches or religious communities within the framework of dissident activity or the arena of semi-legal opposition. There was a difference in the manner in which the Catholic and the Serbian Orthodox Churches expressed opposition to the regime, in terms of approach, degree, and form. These differences grew out of the varying structures of the Churches, their objective strength, the historical experiences, their size and so on. The only matter in which there was no difference was in the length of the opposition. The nature of the opposition expressed toward the regime by the Catholic and Serbian Orthodox Church changed and adapted to the conditions in the country as well as the state of international relations in which Yugoslavia existed, but these were not applied at the same time. During Yugoslavia’s existence, the Churches represented the ultimate challenge to the Party, be-cause they offered an alternative philosophy of life and, for longest time, the only possible opposition. This drew all those who thought differently to them. The Churches themselves in varying degrees worked to draw opponents of the regime to them, and the youth, and in this process they utilized different means and methods. With time “the latent dissatisfaction expressed through turn toward the Church and religion began to take on a political complexion.” The terrain required for rehabilitating the past, and with it the Churches and religion itself, was prepared far earlier than the decay of the socialist system and ideology began and for this reason the Churches during the 1980s rather easily embraced the opportunity to carry out their revitalization.