ORTAÇAĞ İSLAM DÜNYASINDA MEDRESELERDE AÇILIŞ DERSİ GELENEĞİ: KAYSERİ PERVANE BEY MEDRESESİ ÖRNEĞİ

Author(s): Mahmut Recep Keleş / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 08/2016

The Turks first began their reconstruction activities in Anatolia at the end of the 12th century even though they had entered this territory in the 11th century. By the end of the 12th century with the enrichment of the state, it was observed that many madrasas (Islamic theological schools) and other educational institutions were built. Thus, the sultans of Turkey Seljuk state firstly settled the merchants, clergymen and nomadic Turkic populations here upon the construction of mosques, madrasas and Islamic monasteries when they conquered a city in Anatolia. On the other hand these sultans led to the arrival of some important clerics and scholars in Anatolia by establishing and supporting wealthy foundations. Statesmen and rich benefactors who took pattern themselves on Sultans and Emirs of Seljuk’s, built up charities and worked for the Islamization and Turkification of this geography. Pervane Madrasa which was built in Kayseri by Emir Pervane -one of Turkish Anatolian emirs- might be exemplified for this. Pervane assigned famous mathematics and astronomy scholar Kutbüddin Şîrâzî as mudarris. The most well-known figures and administrators of the era attended the first lesson of Şirazi and the tradition of opening lesson was fulfilled. In that article, scientific activities in Kayseri, which was an important city of Anatolian Seljuk Empire, and astronomy and mathematics scholar Şirazi’s works particularly in the field of medicine, will be mentioned in brief.

İSLAM DİNİNDƏ MƏSCİDLƏRİN MAHİYYƏTİ

Author(s): Şöhrə Yaqub Kəsiri / Language(s): Azerbaijani Issue: 9/2011

Dini memarlıq-əsərlərın arasında məscidlər bəzi nöqteyi-nəzərdən başqa binalara görəcimtiyazlar və xüsusiyyətlərə malikdirlər. Birinci nöqteyi- nəzər, ona məxsus olan müxtəlif dini fəaliyyətlər və davranış ülgülərinin çoxunda bir növ daimilik və sabitlik vardır. Məscid islamı memarlığının mərkəzində qərar tapıb. Həmin məscid onun xidmətində olan inamın şənində olan simvoldur. Başlanğıcda onun simvolik rolu müsəlmanlar tərəfındən alındı və binaya öz səhmini, münasib görünən göstəricilərin yaranmasında yerinə yetirdi ki o cümlədən günbəz, minarə, minbər və s. kimi göstəricilərə işarə etmək olar.

677 Sayılı Kanun, Türbeleri “Millileştirme” ve Yıkıcı Sonuçları: Geç Osmanlı’dan Cumhuriyet’e Türbedarlık

Author(s): Gökçen Beyinli Dinç / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 2/2017

One of the foundational laws of the Republic of Turkey on the exclusion of the Ottoman heritage and Islam is the Law 677 which was enacted in 1925. The Law outlawed the mystic orders and closed their lodges as well as hundreds of shrines in the country and prohibited visiting them. Shrine keepers were dismissed and replaced by shrine officers in some shrines. Relying substantially on Republican archives, Parliamentary Proceedings and the previously untapped archival evidence from the Istanbul Museum Directorate of Shrines (İstanbul Türbeler Müze Müdürlüğü), this article examines the transformation of this occupation and “nationalization” of shrines from 1925 to the 1970s by situating the analysis within its legal context. It will elaborate who was a shrine keeper in the late Ottoman Empire, what happened to the shrines and shrine keepers after the shrines were closed down, the theft incidents the new shrine officers were involved with, policies regarding the “nationalization” of shrines and the tensions as well as negotiations between different actors regarding the shrines. Aiming to shed light on a previously untackled aspect of republican history, the article demonstrates how the abandonment of shrines and the policy of nationalizing and turning them into museums brought along a rupture in the cultural history of the country and contributed to the destruction of historical heritage.

The Critical Edition of Jamâl-i Khalwatî’s Tafsir Leaflet Called “Kitâbu al-Nûriyya wa Kawkabu al-Durriyya”

Author(s): Esra HACIMÜFTÜOĞLU / Language(s): English Issue: 48/2017

This study aims to bring to light a tafsir (exegesis) leaflet which belongs to Jamâl-i Khalwatî (d. 899/1494) who lived in 17th century and became famous with the name “Çelebi Halife”. Jamâl-i Khalwatî, who lived in the time of 2nd Bayezid and who was a versatile scholar, wrote many books on Islamic sufism, tafsir and hadith. The work called Kitâbu al-Nûriyya ve Kawkabu al-Durriyya, which is the subject of this study, is a tafsir leaflet in which the author basically deals with the exegesis of the verse 24/35 (Surah al-Nur) and makes evaluations on some points that he considered important. This leaflet, in which characteristics of Ishari tafsir can be seen, forms a remarkable part of the literature composed in time within the context of the mentioned verse. The verified publication was made on the basis of the five attained versions of the work. In the study, firstly some information about Jamâl-i Khalwatî’s life and works are given, the characterization of the versions that were taken as the base for verification and the method used are specified and the text is given after a short evaluation about the content of the work.

Miladî XII. ve XIII. Asırda Dımaşk ve Haçlılar

Author(s): Nadir Karakuş / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 1/2018

The most important reason underlying the success of the Crusaders taking Antakya from Muslims and entering the Syrian and Palestinian territories is undoubtedly the division among the Muslims. This division was not only among the dynasties, but also the cities. The Muslim rulers of Damascus have sat up alliances with the Crusaders to protect themselves from neighboring Muslim rulers. Of course, this alliance was more of a role for the Crusaders, making it easier for them to hold on to the region, and strengthening them by acquiring new lands. Damascus's opposition posture caused power and time loosing to Muslim rulers, which served the Crusaders and to take the advantage of this controversy. Damascus continued its opponent position after Saladin (d. 589/1193), and quarrels within the dynasty caused the Crusaders to breathe deeply and as well as Jerusalem to fall into the hands of the Crusaders for a while again. During the Mamluks period, Damascus, who showed his opposing face for a short period of time, but afterwards he attained peace and obedience and also occupied comply with Rukn al-Dīn Baybars al-Bunduqdārī (d. 676/1277). In this article we will analyze the opposing stance of Damascus and his role in the Crusades.Summary: Pearl of Syria, Damascus has a rebellious and oppositional aspect as well. This feature of the city came into prominence further with the coming of the Crusaders to the region. Its oppositional stance and uncompromising aspect sometimes played into the hands of the Crusaders unintentionally. When the Crusaders first came to the surrounding of Antakya, the governor of Damascus, Duqāq did not provide the necessary support to Yaghisiyan who was encircled in Antakya by the Crusaders, due to his inexperience, jealousy and his hostile competition with his brother, Ridvan who is emir of Aleppo. Thus, the Crusaders used this opportunity.Atabeg of Duqāq, Tughtakīn who started to command the city after the death of Duqāq did not support especially Mawdūd who struggled against the Crusaders in Urfa, adequately. Besides, he was accused of getting Mawdūd killed by another separatist power of the region, the Assassins in the great mosque of the city. On top of it, he allied with the Crusaders, because he was troubled with the commander Porsuk sent to the region by the Sultan of Great Saljūq Empire, Mohammed Tapar. He caused the heroic warrior, Porsuk to be defeated near Tel-Dānis by the Crusaders and to die in Al Jazīrah after a short time.Soon after the above events, ‘Imāduddīn Zengī focused on Damascus and tried to establish the Islamic unity. The son of the ruler Böri, called Ismail became isolated because of the poor administration in the city. He resorted to inviting Zangī to the city. However, Ismail was killed by the opponents before the arrival of Zangī, so no result could be accomplished. Later, Zangī focused on the city again. Although he mercilessly treated the resisters in Ba’lebek after occupying there to demotivate the community of Damascus, he faced the serious resistance of the forces of Damascus. While Zangī spent all his energy to Damascus, the king of Jerusalem, Foulque improved his policy for Syria to some extent and could reestablish communication with the states of the Crusaders. The community Damascus helped the Crusaders and eased their work unintentionally once more.The Mamlūk called Uner began to govern Damascus on behalf of the forces of Bori who lost their influence in the city. Uner who developed a close relationship with the Crusaders to prevent the dominance of Zangī in the city did not hesitate to send an envoy to them. He promised to give Banyas to the Crusaders in return for moving Zangī away from Damascus. After the Franks accepted the proposal of Uner, Zangī remained in between the forces of Damascus and the Crusaders and was obliged to recede to Aleppo. In this way, the Crusaders occupied the castle of Banyas. Several locations until Buzaa were seized by the Crusaders in Antakya who found the opportunity.Zangī was martyred in front of Jaabar castle in 541/1146, so his son Nūr al-dīn became the new ruler of Damascus. Nevertheless, the following incidents caused Nūr al-dīn and Uner to get closer to each other, and the Crusaders had to move away from Damascus. First, the administrator of Havran under the control of Uner rose against his governor and turned to the Crusaders. Besides, the Second Crusade in Damascus contributed to the association of Damascus and Aleppo for a while. Following the elimination of both endangers, the association of Damascus and Aleppo resumed. Uner established a close contact with the Crusaders and made a two-year agreement with them to prevent Nūr al-dīn from seizing the city. Uner died after some time, but almost nothing changed. The new governor of the city Mucīruddin ‘Abaq kept the association of the Crusaders. An operation of Nūr al-dīn against the city was averted with the help of the Crusaders again. Mucīruddin got closer to the Crusaders after their help. Their close relationship was strengthened with the mutual visits of the committees of the Crusaders and Damascus. The Artuquid governor Timurtāsh decided to organize a military expedition to Jerusalem after a little while. However, Mucīruddin who worried about the possible dissolution of their association with the Crusaders stopped supporting him, so Timurtāsh failed in his expedition. Mucīruddin improved his relations with the Crusaders further and started to pay tribute to them following their invasion of ‘Asqalān’s in 548/1153. Even, ‘Abaq offered officially his commitment to Jerusalem. Even though the spoilt Crusaders plundered and destroyed the surrounding of Damascus, they kept the administrators of Damascus with them. Moreover, they went further and offered them to give Ba’lebek to them in return for moving Nūr al-dīn away from Damascus. Such acts provoked the community of Damascus who opposed to the dynasty of Bori in the city afterward. Nūr al-dīn welcomed this opportunity and seized Damascus in 549/1154 by means of the public without giving any chance to coming of the Crusaders. Damascus was governed by Nūr al-dīn for approximately twenty years. A disagreement arose among the community of Zangī in the city after the decease of Nūr al-dīn in 569/1174, thus leading to the dominance of Ṣalādīn Ayyubi in the city. The Ayyubids began to govern Damascus, but internal conflicts started among them with the death of Ṣalādīn in 589/1193. Similarly, Damascus was the focus of these conflicts. The Ayyubids in Egypt were the other party of the disagreement. Unfortunately, the Crusaders benefited from such rivalries. When the senior member of the family al-Adil dominated Damascus in 592/1196, the Crusaders who increased their domain had seized Beirut. Egypt and Damascus got closed temporarily during the Fifth Crusade. After the Crusaders withdrew from Damietta, two brothers, al-Muazzam and al-Kᾱmil fought with each other again. Damascus and Egypt chose the Khwarezmian dynasty and Friedrich in Sicilia as ally, respectively. Unexpected death of al-Muazzam during the preparations for the Sixth Crusade resulted in the siege of Damascus by the forces of Egypt. Friedrich reached Akkā over the course of the siege. al-Kᾱmil who played for time to seize Damascus delivered Jerusalem to the Crusaders. Later, the internal conflicts about the new dynasty which arose in Damascus weakened the Ayyubids and made the Crusaders advantageous. Finally, Damascus found tranquility with the dominance of Baybars in the city.

Kādî Beyzâvî ve Zemahşerî’nin Fâtiha ve Bakara Sûrelerindeki Yorumlarına Molla Gürânî’nin Tenkitleri

Author(s): Kutbettin Ekinci / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 1/2018

his work deals with Mollā Gūrānı̄’s critique (d. 813/1488) of Qāḍı̄ al-Bayḍawı̄ (d. 596/1200) and Zamakhsharı̄ (d. 538/1144). The Fātiḥ̣a and Baqara sūras in his manuscript tafsı̄r “Ghāyat al-Amānı̄” are chosen as the texts to examplify Mollā Gūrānı̄’s critique. His criticism is mostly related to language, qirāʾa (recitation and vocalization of Qur’ānic text), conceptual meaning and disagreement in interpretations of the Qur’ānic verses in question. Gūrānı̄ primarly criticisez Qāḍı̄ due to his reputation among Ottoman scholars. Guranı̄ has not only criticized Kādı̄ and Zamahsharı̄ in the commentary of the surahs Fātiḥ̣a and Baqara but also Taftāzānı̄ and Kavāshı̄. This clearly shows thah he is a well-versed scholar in researching especially in comperative analysis. In this study, our investigation is limited to, however, Zemakhsharı̄ and Qāḍı̄. This stuyd shows that Zemakhsharı̄ is strictly bound to Ahl al-Sunnah. Moreover, the hadith reports are considerably important for him in understanding and interpreting the Qur’ānic verses. He closely follows the interpretive traditions of early Muslim scholars, especially on the matters that Muslim scholars had an argeemnet.Summary: This study discusses the criticism of Mollā Gūrānı̄ (d. 813/1488), one of the Ottoman commentary scholars, against Qāḍı̄ al-Bayḍāwı̄ (d. 685/1286) and Zamakhsharı̄ (d. 538/1144). The two Qur’ānic Surahs Fātiḥ̣a and Baqara are chosen from his critiques in a manuscript of his commentary called Ghāyat al-Amānı̄. Mollā Gūrānı̄’s manuscript is registered in Sulaymāniye Library, Dāmād Ibrāhı̄m Pasha Section at number 146 and consists of 352 pages in total. This copy is one of the oldest among other its existent copies. The main reason of our preference of this copy is that it is both legible and at the end of the book (the farāgh part), it writes that it was proofread by his author himself and that handwriting notes at the margins of the pages belonged to the author. We have examined this copy by comparing another copy which is again in the Sulaymāniye Library, Haji Maḥmūd Efendı̄ section at number 162, consisting of 484 pages in total, comparatively. We have examined critiques of 41 verses in total from Fātiḥ̣a and Baqara surahs.Gūrānī’s critiques of Zamakhsharı̄ and Qāḍı̄ are too wide to be discussed within the limits of an article. Therefore, we have tried to briefly introduce these critiques. While presenting the commentators views, we tried to make their inexplicit expressions clear and furthermore elaborate their purposes by making use of some other resources. We have to say that we also used bracketed explanatory statements while giving commentators opinions.Most of the critiques of Gūrānı̄ are aimed at Qāḍı̄ since the latter’s commentary was one of the favourite ones among Ottoman intellectual circles. Therefore, in writing his commentary manuscript, Gūrānı̄ ambivalently both followed and criticized Qāḍı̄’s commentary. When Fātiḥ̣a and Baqara surahs are used as a base, it is evident that Gūrānı̄’s commentary Ghāyat al-Amānı̄ is a reason-based (dirāyah) in line with those of Zamakhsharı̄ and Qāḍı̄ as commentary methodology. Gūrānı̄ modelled himself so much on Qāḍı̄ in this commentary of his that it seems as an abridged copy of Qāḍı̄’s. Ghāyat al-Amānı̄ as a commentary example of Ottoman era shows that the commentary methodology of the time did not change even four hundred years after Zamakhsharı̄.It is possible to say that Gūrānı̄ criticized Zamakhsharı̄ and Qāḍı̄ in this commentary in a meticulous manner. Although many of his critiques are disputable, his rigorous approach to texts and his courage of critique, instead of imitative attitude, of Qāḍı̄’s commentary, which was held in high esteem in madrasahs of the time, and of commentary of Zamakhsharı̄, who was competent in Arabic language, is of great significance. Gūrānı̄ used a comparative scientific methodology and was a prominent. When his commentary manuscript examined it can be seen that it was not only Zamakhsharı̄ and Qāḍı̄ but also Taftāzānı̄ (d. 792/1390) and Kavāshı̄ (d. 680/1281) who got their shares from his critiques. Most of Gūrānı̄’s critiques were on the subtleties of Arabic language. He sometimes expressed his criticism using Arabic grammar rules and sometimes rhetoric requirements. His other critiques involved topics such as, conceptual meaning, verses integrity, recitation and some interpretations of verses that he disagreed with. His critical method was based on the integrity of the Qurʾān, interpretive traditions, Salaf’s views and logical contradictions. We ought to mention that Gūrānı̄ showed his strong commitment to his predecessors and scholars for matters on which they had consensus. We comprehend this commitment on occasions when he rejected the claim that, for instance, a given form of qirā’a from Salaf was wrong according to Arabic grammar in favour of Salafı̄ reciter. The aim of this study is to give an idea about commentary understandings and methods of commentators in Ottoman era and to make contribution to introducing Gūrānı̄, who criticized Zamakhsharı̄ and Qāḍı̄, two prominent commentators competent in their field, to researchers in terms of his attribute as a critic. An earlier study on his critiques made in this commentary of Gūrānı̄ only covered his critiques of Qāḍı̄ for some of his interpretations in Fātiḥ̣a and Baqara surahs. Therefore, another important factor leading to this study was to cover all critiques he made against the views and comments of both Zamakhsharı̄ and those shared by Zamakhsharı̄ and Qāḍı̄. Hence, this study aims to contribute to the fiedl as an analytical study or a translation made by researchers on this concise and handwritten manuscript.Some conspicuous features are seen in Gūrānı̄’s critiques. As he pointed out in his reviews, in case of subjects with availability of narratives (rivāyah) and of suitability of the literal meaning of verses, he did not prefer allegorical interpretation. He gives the impression that he based his reviews on Ahl al-Sunnah, and he took pains to follow Ashaʿrı̄te school of thought. Although Gūrānı̄, did not see harm in sharing the same things with Zamakhsharı̄, opposing Qāḍı̄ as regards Arabic language, he was always in opposition with Zamakhsharı̄ in relation to commitment to sectarian view and Ḥadı̄ths. It can also be said that Gūrānı̄ did not favour esoteric-allusive commentary style.It can also be said that Gūrānı̄ had sound and deep knowledge in the field of Kalām. This can be deduced from his considering Qāḍı̄’s arguments to criticize Muʿtazila as insubstantial and sometimes from his criticism of Qāḍı̄ for his careless selection of phrases he used in theological issues. Meanwhile, Gūrānı̄ criticized some views which did not belong to Qāḍı̄. For example, it is seen that he criticized Qāḍı̄ for his citation of an opinion through the phrase “it is said that” as if it was his own view by writing an annotation on the margin that it was Qāḍı̄ who said it. In our opinion, the most important thing that the critique of Gūrānı̄ shows is his scholarly identity and his outspoken character of enunciating of what he believed scholarly and conscientiously. This, also, shows the existence of critical thinking in Ottoman scholarship tradition.

İbn Cülcül’ün Kayıtlarındaki Mâserceveyh ile Nedîm’in Kayıtlarındaki Mâsercîs Aynı Kişi mi?

Author(s): Levent ÖZTÜRK,SAMET ŞENEL / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 1/2018

Ibn Djuljul from Andalusia who wrote in the Western Islamic World and Nadīm from Baghdād who wrote in the Eastern Islamic World, give information about lots of physicians and translators in their books that contributed significantly to history of science. Both authors write their books at same time or very close time. Sometimes they offer similar information, but sometimes they provide different information.One of the physicians whom Ibn Djuljul mentioned in his book, Māsarjawayh lived at the times of Umayyads. Nadīm gives information about Māsarjīs who lived at the times of Abbāsids. However, in the course of centuries, some authors combined the knowledge about these two people by giving reference to Ibn Djuljul’s and Nadīm’s work and represented as the same person. Accordingly, most of the modern scholars mentioned the two authors as a substitute.This paper wants to keep track of this confusion and wants to clarify whether Māsarjawayh who was mentioned by Ibn Djuljul and Māsarjīs who was told by Nadīm are the same person or not.

Zeyd b. Sâbit’in (ö. 45/665) Ferâiz Adlı Eseri ve Ebü’z-Zinâd’ın (ö. 130/748) Şerhi

Author(s): MANSUR KOÇİNKAĞ / Language(s): Arabic Issue: 1/2018

One of the old law/fiqh texts is Farāiz which is thought to be written by Zaid ibn Thābit (d. 45/665). In many classic texts it has been referred to this book and it is mentioned that Zaid ibn Thābit's expertising on the ilm al farāiz. But our findings show that many of researchers who study on the history of codification of Islamic law have not seen this book. In this study, because of the importance of the book, we publish Zaid's Farāiz and the comments written in very early period by Abu'z-Zinad (d. 130/748) on it. Thus, Risāla al Farāiz, one of the oldest fiqh texts written in the period of the Sahāba and expounded in the period of the Tābiūn, will be present to the interest of researchers.

По въпроса за дефинирането на салафизма и неговите разновидности

Author(s): Simeon Evstatiev / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 3-4/2017

The study introduces a definition of Salafism from the perspective of Islamic intellectual history by analyzing specific ideas, cases, processes and entanglements in Muslim theology and jurisprudence. The essay considers the ongoing scholarly debates within Middle Eastern and Islamic studies by simultaneously scrutinizing Arabic-Islamic sources to delineate a set of key relevant Muslim theological and legal debates. The analysis tackles some major issues of the typology and classification of the Salafī movement. Thus, the issue of the enigmatic and ambivalent character of the term Salafism is touched upon insofar as the concept is still applied in a too vague manner to some modernist reformers from the late nineteenth and early twentieth century as well as to the markedly different contemporary Salafī movement encompassing a wide range of individuals and groups, including political formations like the Nūr Party in Egypt or jihadist groups, such as the Islamic State (IS). In so doing, the analysis also re-examines some conceptualizations of Islam, and particularly Salafism, within Western social thought.

Kultura tradičně muslimské egyptské společnosti jako kontext křesťanské bioetiky

Author(s): Jaroslav Franc / Language(s): Czech Issue: 1/2018

Bioethical issues have been officially discussed in the Coptic Orthodox Church since 1987. Bioethical questions as well as answers presented by the church authorities disclose the strong influence of traditional Muslim culture of Egypt. The fundamental Christian bioethics is missing; however, we can find at least studies focused on special bioethical issues. Before the first official statement of the Coptic Orthodox Church to bioethical issues was published the bioethical studies of the Coptic monk and theologian Matthew the Poor were published in late sixties. In his bioethical studies we can recognise wider theological concept, nevertheless, the fundamental bioethics is still missing. Still, his bioethical reasoning is also under strong influence of modern Egyptian culture based on the religion of Islam. The paper focuses on the description of the affiliation between the tenets of Muslim culture and the Christian theological discussion.

Świecka edukacja kobiet w świecie islamu

Author(s): Agnieszka Sobieska,Agnieszka Kuriata / Language(s): Polish Issue: 8/2018

Teza. Współcześnie dostęp do edukacji muzułmańskich kobiet jest utrudniony, na co wpływ mają różnorodne czynniki, w tym m.in. religia, bieda, system patriarchalny oraz system polityczno-społeczny danego państwa.Omówione koncepcje. Artykuł jest próbą przedstawienia aktualnych danych dotyczących dostępu do edukacji muzułmańskich kobiet oraz zwrócenia uwagi na czynniki, które mogą go ograniczać. Dla uprawdopodobnienia wniosków autorka przytacza liczne przykłady ze świata muzułmańskiego. Zastosowane w artykule metody badawcze to metoda historyczna oraz formalno-dogmatyczna obejmująca analizę tekstów prawnych oraz raportów organizacji międzynarodowych.Wyniki i wnioski. Autorka dokonała przeglądu oraz analizy raportów organizacji międzynarodowych dotyczących problematyki dostępu do edukacji kobiet, w celu uzasadnienia konieczności badań nad tym zagadnieniem. Autorka doszła przy tym do wniosku, że głównymi problemami warunkującymi gorszy dostęp muzułmanek do edukacji wcale nie muszą być bieda i związany z tym analfabetyzm, a system patriarchalny świata muzułmańskiego i sama religia. Artykuł nie ma jednak na celu krytyki islamu ani systemu patriarchalnego świata muzułmańskiego, gdyż nie da się tych dwóch aspektów od siebie oddzielić. Autorka zwróciła też uwagę, na zbyt małe przykładanie uwagi do roli edukacji ponadgimnazjalnej oraz programów nauczania w świecie muzułmańskim.

Делата като вяра (За С. Евстатиев. Салафизмът в Близкия изток и границите на вярата)

Author(s): Pavel Pavlovich / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 2/2018

Yazid Said, Lejla Demiri (eds.), The Future of Interfaith Dialogue. Muslim-Christian Encounters through A Common Word, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2018, 288 p.

Author(s): Iuliu-Marius Morariu / Language(s): English Issue: 13/2019

Book review of: Yazid Said, Lejla Demiri (eds.), The Future of Interfaith Dialogue. Muslim-Christian Encounters through A Common Word, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2018, 288 p.

От танцa Сема до съдбовната среща между Руми и дервиша Шамс по пътя на Любовта

Author(s): Vyara Popova / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Issue: 1/2020

The text offers a formal and meaningful analysis of the ritual dance-prayer Sema; on this basis, the author: 1) briefly presents Sufism as a specific mystical movement in Islam, and 2) introduces expository concepts and terminology specific to Sufism. The text proceeds from the premise that Sema is a visual demonstration of Rumi's ideas, expressed in his poetry, regarding the Path, Love, and the Beloved as symbols of the relation of the human being (as created) to the Creator. Thus, the dance Sema becomes a visual-figurative cipher for the adequate reading and understanding of Rumi's mystical poetry.

Сравнительный анализ религиозно-философских доктрин хуруфизма и единства бытия (вахдат ал-вуджуд)

Author(s): Zaur Rashidov / Language(s): Russian Issue: 3/2020

Hurufism is an historical mystical-philosophical worldview, part of the Islamic spiritual culture. The founder of this teaching is Fazlullah Naimi (Astarabadi) (1339–1401). In his teaching, Fazlullah attached divine meaning to 28 Arabic and 32 Persian letters. According to Naimi, the letters, numbers, and also traits and features of human face have a hidden secret meaning. Divine signs (letters and numbers) are revealed in the human face (traits and features). Thus, through divine signs, he transferred divine qualities from God to man. Accused of spreading anthropomorphic and anthropocentric ideas that are unacceptable in Islam, Hurufism has been criticized and persecuted since its founding. Its founder, Fazlullah Naimi, and one of his most famous followers, Seyyed Imadeddin Nasimi (1369–1417), were brutally executed. The views of the Hurufites were declared heretical throughout the Islamic world. For this reason, in the following centuries, the Hurufites were forced to hide and their original ideas dnf teachings began to transform rapidly. During that process, Hurufism gradually dissolved in such mystical and philosophical teachings and trends as Bektashism, Alavism, Calendaring, the ideology of Kyzylbash. The ideas of Hurufism enriched the theoretical foundations of these Islamic teachings.

Dokumente për vakëfet / vakëfnametë në Arkivin e Kosovës

Author(s): Hatixhe Ahmedi / Language(s): Albanian Issue: 1-2/2018

In the archives of Kosovo, in addition to the multitude of funds and other collections, there is also a collection of documents in the Ottoman language. These documents amount to nearly 3,000 and represent a fund of significant value to our past.Among these documents are two endowments: The endowment of Mehmed Pasha Kaçanik legalized in 1608, which is also the oldest document preserved in the Archives of Kosovo, and the Endowment of Beqirzade Hasan efendi son of Abdullah Sipahi legalized in 1918 for waqfs in the neighborhood IljasKuka in Prizren.In this collection there is also a large number of documents, mainly of the last years of the Ottoman administration in our country, which have to do with the revenues and expenditures of the waqfs of many institutions of the time, such as mosques, madrasas, etc., and which we think are of interest to be observed.On the other hand, one of the main tasks of the Kosovo Archive is to bring copies of documents related to the national history of Kosovo through foreign cooperation. In this regard, the Kosovo Archive has increased its funds by accessing the Turkish archives, bringing a significant number of endowments in digitized form related to our country. The above-mentioned original endowments will be considered in our paper.

REFLEKSIJE O RAZUĐENOSTI DJELA ‘ĀLIMA I PROFESORA KASIMA HADŽIĆA

Author(s): Enes Karić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 80/2019

This article offers some aptly suited reflections upon biography and bibliography of Kasim Hadžić (1917-1990), distinguished professor of the Gazi Husrevbey’s madrasah. Of all the teachers of this renowned school, during the decades of sixties, seventies and eighties in the 20th century, Kasim Hadžić stands out with his teaching activities and his written work which is distinctively versatile, voluminous and significant. He wrote on topics of aqaid and theological issues of Islam, on history of Islam, as well as histories of Bosnia, Sanjak and the Balkans. Amongst his written work is a book on his contemporaries: ‘ālims, imams, some enthusiasts in the work of the Islamic Community and those who endeavoured in preserving the Islamic culture. His numerous essays and articles about various topics of the Qur’an are also memorable. He keenly observed the life at Gazi Husrevbay’s Madrasah, its teaching process as well as its extracurricular activities. He wrote about its students, teachers and the school’s events. This particular aspect of his engagement distinguishes him as the most significant chronologist of the Gazi Husrevbay’s Madrasah during the period of 1969-1990.

Magister Studiorum Byzantinorum, Arabicorum atque Orientis Christiani: Irfan Arif Shahîd (1926-2016) și contribuția sa în domeniul studiilor bizantine

Author(s): Octavian-Adrian Negoiță / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1-3/2020

This study offers a brief presentation of the life and academic career of Irfan Arif Shahîd, professor of Byzantine studies at Georgetown University and Honorary Affiliate Fellow of Dumbarton Oaks. Shahîd’s scholarly interests gravitated around the history of the relations between Byzantium and the Arabs before the era of the Prophet Muhammad, and also on the entangled religious and cultural histories of the Arab Christians. This study also provides a translation of Shahîd’s study on the Arab Christianity in Byzantine Palestine, published in ARAM, 15 (2003), along with the complete list of scientific publications of the American bizantinist.

ПОЛИТИЧКИ ЖИВОТ У БОСАНСКОМ ЕЈАЛЕТУ (1815–1822) – СРПСКО И АУСТРИЈСКО ТУМАЧЕЊЕ

Author(s): Bratislav Teinović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 69/2020

The paper, which largely relies on the reports of Austrian consul in Travnik baron Simbshen, outlines the political life in the Bosnia Eyalet over the seven-year period of viziership of Ali Pasha Darendeli, Hurshid Ahmed Pasha, Suleiman Pasha of Uskoplje, Morali Becir Pasha, Dervish Mustafa Pasha Makranedzi, Mehmed Rushdi Pasha and Ali Dzhelaluddin Pasha. The consulted archival material from the Archive of Serbia in Belgrade helped gain a deeper insight into the political relations between Bosnian viziers with the controversial Serbian prince Miloš.

Вакуфи у кадилуцима Лесковац, Прокупље, Куршумлија и Пирот у 18. и 19. веку

Author(s): Dragana Amedoski / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2021

The topic of this work are Muslim pious endowments, waqfs, introduced by Ottomans on the Balkans. The most intensive Muslim endowment activity on the territory of nowadays Southeast Serbia was noticed after final Ottoman conquest in the middle of the 15th century to the end of the 16th century. The aforementioned period is also the time when the reshaping of the existing Christian settlements into predominantly Muslim, Ottoman ones mainly took place. The Ottoman sources on the basis of which this institute in Serbia is presented, is new, unresearched so far and kept in the Ottoman archives of the Directorate of the State Archives of the Presidency of the Republic of Turkey in Istanbul. The source presents the 1839 census of endowments whose translation and comments are given in the attachment hereby. In the paper, I compared the sources on waqfs from the earlier period with the census from 1839. In this way, I was able to determine the changes that have occurred in the meantime, i.e. which endowments survived on the territory of the kazâs of Leskovac, Prokuplje, Kuršumlija and Pirot until the time of compiling this document. According to 1839 census I determined that at the time of the census there were a total of 70 waqfs in the area of today's Southeast Serbia, 36 of which waqfs were active in the Pirot kazâ, 10 in the Prokuplje kazâ, 21 in the Leskovac kazâ and three in the Kuršumlija kazâ. These consist mainly of real property, including various facilities of religious, educational, public, communal structure.