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This paper discusses the importance of the Mediterranean Basin in the intellectual perspective of Mustafa Busuladžić, one of the leading Bosniak authors of the 20th century. This author will remain registered in the intellectual history for his original ideas that he introduced on our stage, including the importance of the Mediterranean on the cultural-historical and spiritual history of the world.
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For the failure of a relatively large and long-lived state creation and a centuries-old culture there had to be a multitude of causes, but most important of them were: violation of the principles of Allah Almighty's to sovereignty and the exercise of power, which led to the launch of a series of meaningless civil wars in Muslim Spain and inciting religious, political and cultural temptation; distance from political centres of the Muslim world at that time...
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Review of: Wright, Zachary Valentine. On the Path of the Prophet: Shaykh Ahmad Tijani and the Tariqa Muhammadiyya, Atlanta: Fayda Books, 2015. 260 sayfa. ISBN: 9780991381388. Orientalist scholars claim the existence of a reform movement in the Islamic world in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries based on the concepts and issues put forward by the ulamas and Sufis of that time. This article discusses, concerning that claim, the concepts of neo-Sufism and Tariqat al-Muhammadiyya through the Tijaniyya, Idrisiyya and Sanusiyya orders. Although it does not question and comprehensively analyzed the validity of the reform debates, the article stands as a starting point paving the way for the studies following a similar set of questions on the issue.
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In our country, it is observed that, most of the current academic studies carried on the history of Taṣawwuf usually includes Egypt, Iraq, Turkey, India and Central Asia and it is also seen that these are the studies that form the Eastern region of the Islamic World. The development of Islam and especially Taṣawwuf in the West, seems to have been studied by fewer researchers compared to the first. In fact, when the investigation in this direction is taken into consideration in a more specific region such as the Maghrib, it is noticed that the number of researchers in this area has decreased. From this point on, our research covers the tabaqāt literature that emerged in the Maghrib/Morocco region between the 13th and 20th centuries A.D. In the study; starting from Ibn Zayyāt al-Tādilī's (d. 628/1230) book al-Tashawwuf ilâ rijâl al-taṣawwuf, a total of ten hagiographical works (tabaqāts) were introduced. In the biographical information and explanations, a detailed evaluation was made on the topics such as the life of the author, the subject of the current work, the purpose of writing, the similar and different sides from other tabaqāt books, the method of presentation of the work. On the other hand; the contributions of these works, which were proclaimed in a certain period of time in the geography of Morocco, to the historical memory of the societies in that geography were also tried to be determined. According to the findings obtained as a result of the study, it has been determined that the tabaqâts reflect a certain section of history including political, religious, cultural and social aspects and convey the general life styles of the communities they deal with.
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The history of drama in Asia is as old as the history of the world itself. In India however, according to the popular belief, the tradition of drama dates back to the prehistoric times. Due to this unique approach towards drama, that makes it a valuable divine gift for humanity, the esoteric significance of this art form has never seen decline in the cultural history of India. Drama, thus, acquires in Indian context a religious significance and represents as an art form the union of the celestial and the terrestrial. Drama (in Sanskrit Natak), in the Indian Subcontinent, has distinctive characteristic features. Essentially, as reflection of human existence, it is a combination of all the known art forms and, therefore, becomes the deepest expression of the human soul. The rise of Islamic culture and civilization in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries contributed to the amalgamation of the two great civilizations. The impact of the Muslim culture in transforming the classical features of Indian music, architecture, science, literature, etc. can by no means be undermined. By the end of the sixteenth century, the century of liberal humanism and coincidently the era of the rise of the Mughal Empire, the theatrical art had gained enormous significance in India. There is enough evidence to believe that Shakespeare’s plays were first performed in India during the reign of the Mughals (1526-1857). Later, the newly emerging colonial power, the English, in its first stronghold in India, Calcutta, established alongside other bureaucratic, political and educational institutions, the Garrison Theater. The earliest performances at this theater date back to 1770s and the first ever documented English play on the Indian soil happens to be Shakespeare’s Othello. Shakespeare’s unique dramatic structure smoothly found its place of prominence in the cultural life of India, offering new dimensions to the already existing rich local tradition and at the same time enriching its own dramatic expression. Today, all the major educational institutions of the Subcontinent cherish the tradition of mounting on stage the annual performances of Shakespeare’s plays and the cinematographic tradition has incorporated his works into its popular tradition from the very beginning of the history of the film industry in India.
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Review of: Fikret Karčić, Pravno-historijske studije, Sarajevo: Centar zanapredne studije, 2016.
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Review of: Fikret Karčić (priređivač), Muslimani Balkana: “Istočno pitanje” u XX. vijeku, Centar za napredne studije, 2. izdanje, 2014
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This article explores various questions about a poem written by Antun Ivanošić (1740–1800), a priest and poet from Slavonia, in which he glorifies the Habsburg victory over “the Turks” during the Dubica War (1788–1791). The author twice mentinos Mustafa Gaibija (Muṣṭafā Ghāʼibī or Ghaybī), a 17th century Muslim scholar, mystic and poet. Gaibija holds an important place in the sacral history of the Banja Luka region and of the Bosnian Muslims in general. His memory is also preserved in the folk traditions of the Catholics of Slavonia. The references to Gaibija in Ivanošić’s poem have previously passed unnoticed both in both Bosnian historiography and Croatian literary studies. This article highlights the significance of these references and thus contributes to a better understanding of Christian-Muslim relations on the borders of empires and to the representation of Muslims among the Southern Slavs of the 18th century.
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This article opens up a new research trajectory that focus on the controversial path of a key figures of Islam from 1960 to 1980 in Northern Cameroon, namely the main imam of the Central Mosque of Ngaoundéré : Djidji Issa. His personal trajectory allows us to revisit, on the one hand, the conflicting relation between the lamidal (traditional) power and the spiritual leader, on the other hand, the strategic alliances that the local actors around the mosque tie up to conquer this lamidal power in Ngaoundéré. The present research intends to analyse from historical perspective the various sources available on this issue after cross-checking them. In addition to the work consulted in libraries and online, we have conducted field surveys and used archives as historical sources.
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The subject of pre-conquest Muslim travelers is a less studied subject. Historically corresponding to the Byzantine period of the Middle Ages, some travelers traveled through Istanbul themselves, others benefit from the writings of persons who came here as ambassadors, for commerce or prisoner exchange. Previous travel books were mostly translated into Turkish through western languages. In this study, the chapters of travel books relating to Istanbul of Harun Bin Yahya, Mesudi, Herevi, Idrisi, Ibn Battuta and El Verdi were translated from Arabic to Turkish. Issues as Islamic civilization in its historical process, Byzantine-Islamic political relations, Istanbul in Arab-Islamic literature were also examined. The issues such as the aims of the travelers, the boundaries of their travels, how they funded their travels and the difficulties they encountered during the travel also mentioned in the study. It is natural that travel books, which are the text of the observations of the travelers, contain subjective interpretations. Therefore, the influence of their culture on their descriptions and evaluations is inevitable. In this regard, the impressions on Istanbul before the conquest of the travelers raised in a Muslim culture is the starting point of this study.
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Mu'tazila and Shīʿa (Zaydiyya-Imāmiyya) have common views on many theological issues except the imamate. This issue has been generally accepted by other Islamic scholars rather than Shīʿa and by Western researchers. That in this interaction between the Mu‘tazila and the Shīʿa, the Shīʿa is the side mostly affected. However, it is an issue that should not be overlooked that the Shīʿa partially influenced the Mu'tazila in ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib, over the other Companions. In this context, some persons from the Baghdad Mu’tazila School such as Bishr b. al-Muʿtamir (d. 210/825), Jaʿfar b. Mubashir (d. 234/848), Jaʿfar b. Harb (d. 236/850) and al-Iskāfī (d. 240/854) argued that the imamate of Abū Bakr, who was less virtuous, was permissible although they considered ʿAlī as the most virtuous person after the Prophet. In addition, al-ʿAllāf (d. 235/849-850), al-Naẓẓām (d. 231/845), Abū Abdullah al-Basrī (d. 369/979- 80) and Qāḍī ʿAbd al-Jabbār (d. 415/1025) along with Abū ʿAlī al-Jubbāʾī (d. 303/916), one of the chiefs of the Basra Mu'tazila School, and Abū Hāshim al-Jubbāʾī (d. 321/933) did not accept the order of caliphate as the order of virtue. This study focuses on the issue of whether the aforementioned affinity between Mu'tazila and Shīʿa affected Mu'tazila, especially in the interpretation of the verses associated with ʿAlī. In the study, the aforementioned problem was examined through the tafsīr al-Kashshāf of the Muʿtazilī mufassir al-Zamakhsharī (d. 538/1144). In addition to the importance of tafsīr, the fact that al-Zamakhsharī took lessons from Shīʿīte/Zaydī persons and he wrote the tafsīr with the support of Zaydī leader al-Wahhās (d. 506/1112) is effective in handling this issue through al-Kashshāf's tafsīr. In the first part of the study, first of all, the interaction between Imāmiyya and Zaydism, which are the two most important branches of Mu‘tazila and Shīʿa, is briefly mentioned. Then, Mu'tazila’s and Al-Zamakhsharī’s view on ʿAlī's position among other caliphs is emphasized. Al-Zamakhsharī, who is from the Basra school of the Mu'tazila, does not consider ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib superior to Abū Bakr, unlike al-ʿAllāf, Abū ʿAlī al-Jubbāʾī, Abū Hāshim al-Jubbāʾī and Qāḍī ʿAbd al-Jabbār, who are the leading figures of this school. In fact, the fact that he always observed the order of the caliphate while talking about the merits of the four caliphs supports the possibility that, unlike his predecessors, he accepted the order of the caliphate as the order of virtue. In the second part, it is questioned whether the narrations that al-Zamakhsharī included in his tafsīr of the verses associated with ʿAlī are similar to the narrations of the Shīʿīte/Zaydī/Imāmī tradition and whether he interpreted the verses in parallel with these narrations. In this respect, the tafsīr al-Kashshāf has been examined comparatively with the Sunni and Shiite tafsīrs prior to it. Eventually, while interpreting these verses associated with the Ahl al-bayt (members of the Prophet’s household), al-Zamakhsharī highlights the narrations that appreciate the virtues of ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib and his child. However, he also refrains from making comments that would be in line with the Shīʿa's belief in imamate. In particular, his tafsīr of the verse al-Aḥzāb 33/33 in the context of the Prophet’s wives is the greatest indicator of this situation. It has been determined that while al-Zamakhsharī includes the narrations highlighting the virtue of ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib and his children, he mostly follows the Sunni commentator al-Thaʿlabī. In particular, it has been seen that al-Zamakhsharī transferred the narration material in the interpretation of the relevant verses from al-Thaʿlabī's commentary almost in the same way. However, it is noteworthy that al-Zamakhsharī differs from him in some details such as linguistically supporting these narrations in some verses such as ʾĀli ʿImrān 3/61 and al-Māʾidah 5/55. An indirect influence can be mentioned because al-Thaʿlabī frequently narrates the narrations supporting the Shīʿītes in places where there is a Sunni-Shīʿīte conflict. Therefore, although there is no evidence that al-Zamakhsharī took these narrations from Shīʿīte sources, it is seen that he brought ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib-based narrations in Sunni sources into the fore. Even in the commentary of al-Ḥākim al-D̲ h̲ us̲h̲ amī, al-Zamakhsharī's teacher in the line of Zaydi/Mu'tazili, the lack of Ali emphasis in the interpretation of the aforementioned verses supports our view.
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In this article which aims to reveal the scientific biography of Zabīdī, his ulema network and intellectual relations. Al-Mu'jam Al-muḫtaṣ of Murtadā Al-Zabīdī (d. 1205/1791) in which a scholar recorded his teachers, the books that he obtained the right to narrate during his education life and the chain of transmission from his teachers to the author, is one of the important representatives of the mu'jam genres in 12th/18th century. It can be said that the mu'jam that Zabīdī wrote to record the important people in his life, goes beyond the standard mu'jam with its compilation style, sources, diversity of biographers and anecdotes about the writing activity of the period. Based on Zabīdī's teachers, students and contemporaries, their origins, specialization and profession, the dates of their deaths, the dates of his encounters with them, the extent of his friendships, the dated rihle route, the lecture places and the books he taught, a panorama about the mu'jam will be drawn. The mu’jam, which includes 635 biographies, has a wide range of written and oral sources, especially ijazat and samā sources. Zabīdī's correspondence with scholars from different regions, taqrīz/appreciation written for his famous books and poems belonging to scholars of the period are among these sources. Numerous taqrīzs on his Tāj al-ʿArūs and Sharḥ Al-Iḥyā's point to their fame at that time, while Mu’jam, which has the appearance of an independent poetry anthology due to the poems that reach tens of pages, reveals his unknown poetic side. On the other hand, some couplets recorded in Persian and Turkish show his knowledge of these languages. Zabīdī is a versatile personality who lived in different geographies such as India, Yemen and Egypt and met many scholars there. Rihles in different regions of Yemen such as Zabid, Moravıa and Mocha, as well as inside Egypt, including Damietta, Raşıt, Fuwwah and Asyut, show that Zabīdī traveled frequently for the sake of knowledge. Egypt, where he went in 1167 (1753) with the advice of his teacher al-Aydarūs and spent thirty-eight years of his life, has an important place in his scientific adventure. Recording sufis, merchants and janitors as well as famous people from different fields such as poets, jurists and muhaddis in biographies reflects Zabīdī's extensive contact reaching various segments of society through the aforementioned rihles. While Zabīdī was obtaining knowledge through both these journeys and ijazat, he also gave ratification/ijazat to the students who came to him. While he prefers ijazat of almusalsal bil awwaliyyah and Al-Awail Ṣaḥīḥ/al-Kutub al-Sittah for those who come to him for short periods of time on the occasion of pilgrimage, but on the other hand he gaves ijazat of Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhari, Shamail Tirmidhi, Sharḥ Al-Iḥyā and Al-Amali for his long-term students. Lessons, both open to the public in mosques and with more private groups at home, were held in informal rather than systematic/formal style like in the madrasah. The books that Zabīdī received the right to transmit through his rihles are listed below under the "textbooks" heading. When a book is mentioned in whichever biography, it can be implicitly considered the person has the elevated chain of transmission of the book. Similarly, it can be revealed in which region and by whom tranmits the short chain of a book. This reveals the unknown aspects of regional and temporal writing style. On the other hand, it is possible to find other traces of the background of writing and representation/taqrir through the mu'jam. For instance, a book was sometimes typed as a result of the students' compilation of lecture notes of their masters, sometimes when a person obtained a book he needed and he abbreviated important parts and copied a special copy for himself or a student could only get permission for giving lectures after he had written a book. The mu’jam includes besides of Zabīdī's books, the books written by the biographers in the form of "he has many books" or by mentioning the name directly. Even the recording of details such as the reason for writing, date and content information reveals the unknown aspects of the book writing style of the period. Ultimately, the importance of mu’jam, which was written as the result of a life spent with learning, although it is not well known in terms of genre; is to mention the biographical information collected from many different secondary sources, compiled as a result of long effort, such as history and tabaqat-tarajim about the scientific life of the author together with their evidences. Therefore, these kinds of books, that are mostly written by the author himself or his close student, in which the teacher constitutes its main element, is a primary source in the determination of the biographical information of the author, as well as the book and isnad, deserve to be examined separately because of their potential to shed light on the unknown aspects of the hadith history and literature of the later period.
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Each narration or text, as it informs about an event, situation or person in history, has a history that sheds light on both its formation and how it arrived to us. The illumination of this history is at least as important as the content analysis of the information. For this reason, it is necessary both to examine whether the source in which the information is given has survived to the present day as it was created by the author without being exposed to any external intervention, and to analyze the narration in terms of reliability and indication within the integrity of the isnād-text. In that case, when the word “text criticism” is mentioned, an understanding of a specific criticism should come to mind, which includes both critical edition (scholarly editing) of the first source and the critique of the narration by making sound research in terms of isnād and literary criticism (naqd al-isnād wa-l-matn). Due to reasons such as the inability to follow a standard method, the limited number of the copies and/or the distance of the copies from the author in terms of history and commercial concerns, many classical works published with relative verification contain such errors require a re-examination. One of these works is Ibn Hibbān’s (d. 354/965) book al-Majrūhīn. In his work al-Majrūhīn, Ibn Hibbān divided the narrators into two groups according to their reliability and collected the ones that he determined as weak according to his opinion. In this work, he placed Abū Ḥanīfa (d. 150/767) at the top of the list. First, he denounced Abū Ḥanīfa with the following expressions: Sahib al-ra’y, child of slaves, bicker, hypocrite, had little knowledge of hadith, a Murji’ī propagandist, a narrator who was blamed by imams. Then he tried to justify these claims by about thirty narrations from various salaf scholars. These narratives are completely different from the largely intellecutal discussions and criticisms of scholars such as al-Awza'i (d. 157/774), Ibn Abī Laylā (d. 148/765) and Ibn Abī Shayba (d. 235/849) on Abu Ḥanīfa and his school. The narrations compiled by Ibn Hibbān are display insulting and polemical narrations against Abu Ḥanīfa’s personality and reliability. In terms of being a source for later periods, it is important to examine and criticize these narratives in terms of the narration techniques. The al-jarḥ wa-l-taʿdīl is important part of the hadith science. al-Mejrūhīn, one of the leading works of this science is remarkable in many respects. According to this narration Abū Ḥanīfa Nuʿmān b. S̱ābit b. Zūtā b. Māh’ın (öl. 150/767) said, "If a man worships this mule to get closer to Allah, I see no harm in it." According to our analysis, there are the following determinations about the narrators in the chain of this narrative. Ibn Abī Mushir is unknown (majhūl), the narrator who is written as “Mahfūz b. Abī Savba” but his correct name is “Tawba” is matrūk. Ahmad b. al-Walīd al-Mahramī al-Karkhī is weak, and Yahyā b. Hamza, source person, is qadari who narrates from people with munkar al-hadith; but is also considered as a thiḳa narrator. As for Sa‘īd b. Abd al-Azīz, he has nothing to do with the reception and transmission of the narrative. In addition, there is also a break in the chain. First of all, what is expected from a basic work such as al-Majrūhīn, whose subject and purpose is purely a narrator analysis, is that the report in it should be acceptable, at least in terms of isnād . When the narrative in question, which is also included in earlier sources such as alFesewī (d. 277/890), is evaluated in terms of both the isnād and the text, one realizes the transformation of an expression circulating in the form of gossip against Abu Ḥanīfa in Damascus around the subject of ʾirjāʾ. ʾIrjāʾ was at the forefront of the heated debates in the second half of the second century into semā form in terms of isnād and text, besides, the word النعل/clog is transformed into البغل/mule. Apart from the weak points of the chain, Sa‘īd b. Abd al-Azīz, who has nothing to do with the reception and transmission of the narrative, has also been turned into the narrator/source of the report with the samā expression. Regardless of the purpose and the criteria of the narration technically, during the conversation with Sa‘īd, Yahyā b. Hamza’s sincere friend and teacher, a special speech in which a common report attributed to Abu Ḥanīfa was expressed, was transformed into Yahyâ’s samā‘ in the form of jazm. As a result, the word “shoe” or “clog” has evolved into mule. It would be a reductionist and over optimistic approach to assume that all this may have resulted from tashīf and tahrīf of the copyists. The narration we discussed is a typical example in terms of showing the effect of the conflict of ideas between Ahl al-Hadīth and Ahl ar-Ra’y on the narrations. Of course, this shoud be not regarded as the only example.
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The Fatwā-house, which was within the body of Meshihat in the Ottoman Empire, gave answers to the questions posed to it by focusing on the Hanafi sect and the preferred fatwās of this sect for centuries. These questions and answers were also duly recorded. In this study, based on The Record for the Legal Responses of the Supreme Fatwā Office, which is registered at records numbered 378 in the Meshihat Archive of the Istanbul Mufti, one of the records containing the answers given by the institution. It is an attempt to create an imagination about the scope and sphere of influence of the fatwā activity in the last period of the Ottoman Empire. Accordingly, in the last thirteen years of the state, Fatwā-house has been the addressee of questions from individuals, state and private institution directors, societies, ministries and the Grand Vizier. While some of these questions came from the provinces within the Ottoman borders or from the countries that had an administrative ties with the Ottoman Empire, some of them were submitted to the Fatwā-house by the Muslims of other states from the lost lands or simply because the caliphate center was the official fatwā organ. At the records, there is also a record of the questions coming from muslims who are Ottoman citizens but residing in other countries. Looking at the subjects, it was determined that most of the questions were asked about foundations. In addition, the permissibility of obtaining interest by bank facility or depositing money in the bank, the establishment of modern schools and whether the ways to create resources for these schools are permissible, whether teaching in Latin letters is possible, the provision of life insurance, the importance of cleanliness in the fight against cholera, the fight against innovations (bidʻas) in mosques. It is seen that questions on different issues, from issues such as whether the wife of the lost (mafqud) can be separated by the judge or not; to the issues of whether the fulfillment of judgment can be regarded as the end of the judgment or not. As it is mentioned in some fatwā records at the record book, it is obligatory to decide on fatwā and its fulfillment in the Ottoman Empire with the most authentic and preferred view of the Hanafi sect. The last two fatwā questions mentioned above are handled as examples of giving up the act with the will of the head of state, with the preferred fatwâs discussed in this article. It is only possible with the will of the head of state to make a decision with an opinion other than preferred fatwâ or an other opinion out of the sect. According to the first example, some of those of the citizens of other states outside the Ottoman Empire came to the Ottoman lands for reasons like trade etc. and married to Muslim women there and then left them suffering. This was also true for the wives of men who went to wars and did not return. Although the drawbacks of the Hanafi sect's preferred view, that one should wait until the age of ninety, one hundred, one hundred and twenty, or until the death of their peers, were resolved by appointing a regent from other sects, continuity could not be ensured in this practice either, finding people has not always been possible. For this reason, in the time of Shaykh al-Islam Hayri Efendi, a statement of change was prepared and submitted to the will of the sultan. In the issue of whether the signature of the head of state can be counted as the end of the judgment, another subject in which the will of the head of state is applied, the stages of abandoning the preferred view can be followed much more clearly. In the case of the dismissal of the judge or the expiration of the term of office before the execution of the judgment, especially in the distant provinces of the state, in the case of the judge's dismissal or the expiration of his term, according to the preferred view of the sect, which was based on juristic discretion, the closure of the cases took many years. It is seen that the judgment reached by analogy was submitted to the will of the sultan, with an article added to the script regarding the prepared procedure of reasoning, although there is no preferred view since it is the most suitable opinion for the interests of the people and the necessities of the century due to the increase in complaints. Effective from the time it was approved by the head of state, the execution of the sentence is no longer a requirement for the trial to be completed. The changes in the provisions of these matters also show that, although it was important for the Ottoman State to comply with the preferred view of the Hanafi sect - as in the previous Shaykh al-Islams' fatwās in the form of ma'ruzat - it was considered more necessary to look after the interests of the Muslims and different opinions were enacted and put into practice.
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Fanatismul religios macină şi astăzi lumea ca în Evul Mediu, deşi nu în aceleaşi proporţii, dar cu aceeaşi violenţă. A se vedea conflictul dintre protestanţi şi catolici în Irlanda de Nord în creştinătate, iar în lumea islamică dintre şiiţi şi suniţi, ca şi conflictul, devenit tot mai ameninţător pe plan global, dintre islam şi restul religiilor.
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The aim of this article is to examine the Sīra and Islamic History courses taught in the Ottoman madrasahs and the branches of the Dār al-Funūn that provide theology education. Sīra and Islamic History courses were included in the formal education program of Ottoman madrasahs in 1910. The mentioned courses were taught in informal education activities other than the madrasah before this date. After the first experience in 1910, Sīra and Islamic History courses had been included in the curriculum until 1924, when the madrasahs were closed. These courses were sometimes existed as two separate courses in the curriculum, and sometimes the subjects of Sīra were explained in the History of Islam. As for Dār al-Funūn, The High Religious Sciences Branch (Ulûm-ı Âliye-i Dîniyye Şubesi) where theology courses were taught, was opened in this institution in 1900. Later, taking its place and carrying out a similar mission, Religious Sciences Branch (Ulûm-ı Şer‘iyye Şubesi) and Faculty of Theology operated within the structure of Dār al-Funūn. Sīra and Islamic History courses were taught in all three departments of Dār al-Funūn that provided theology education. As in the madrasahs, the Sīra course was sometimes existed separately from the History of Islam in the curriculum in Dār al-Funūn and sometimes its subjects were talked in the History of Islam. This practice continued until the date when Dār al-Funūn Faculty of Theology was closed.
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Istorija islama i organizovanja vjerske zajednice u Crnoj Gori se vezuje za dominaciju i dolazak Osmanskog carstva na ove prostore i ono je tokom svog trajanja od nekoliko vjekova zadržalo formu, sadržaj i organizaciju koju su donijeli Osmanlije. Naravno da je proces islamizacije i povećanje broja muslimana uslovljavao potrebu da se na sistematičan i organizovan način uredi ova značajna oblast i na način koji bi u kontinuitetu omogućavao muslimanskoj populaciji da stekne osnovna znanja o islamu i vjeri uopšte. Kratko podsjećanje na proces islamizacije u Crnoj Gori u kontekstu ovog istraživanja služi samo tome da se neupućenom čitaocu predoče utvrđene činjenice koje bi mu omogućile bolje razumijevanje navedene problematike. Dakle, prihvatanje islama za sopstvenu religiju od strane južnoslovenskih hrišćana i drugih naroda naziva se procesom islamizacije.
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Review of: Muhamed Ali es-Sabuni, Safvetu t-tefasir, tefsirun li l-Kur’ani l-kerimi, prvi, drugi i treći tom, treće izdanje, Daru s-Sabuni, Kairo, 1980.
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This article examines a range of problems related to the formation of the military-political doctrine of the Byzantine Empire in the X century and the role of the Byzantine Emperor Leo VI the Wise in these events. The impetus for the appearance of this article was the publication in 2018 of M. Riedel’s monograph ‘Leo VI and the Transformation of Byzantine Christian Identity’ (Riedel M. L. D. Leo VI and the Transformation of Byzantine Christian Identity. Writings of an Unexpected Emperor. Cambridge, 2018). The monograph is distinguished by a non-standard approach to the writings of the Byzantine emperor, the desire to study them together in order to discover the idea that unites them all. The author, indeed, manages to show how, with the help of the religious idea, Leo VI the Wise builds a completely new military-political doctrine of the Byzantine Empire and responds to the challenges of modernity. The monograph shows that the problem of the relationship between the Christian and Muslim worlds, considered in the categories of “us” — “them”, is relevant not only for the era of the Crusades, but manifests itself much earlier, shows the need to study these images, special vocabulary, mental stereotypes, etc. Therefore, this monograph can be the beginning of a whole trend in modern Byzantine studies. At the same time, the authors point to a number of aspects which are addressed only in part or not dealt with at all by the British researcher, while their study could contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of Leo the Wise’s personality and his reign.
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: In this study, the text of ‘Ubūdī-ye Gulshanī’s mathnawi Dar Fazīlat-e Ilm o Amal wa Qabāhat-e Jahl o Kasal (On the Virtue of Knowledge and Good Deeds and Immerit of Ignorance and Idleness), who is known to had lived in Egypt between the second half of the sixteenth century and the first half of the seventeenth century, will be examined. In this work of 359 couplets, which resembles a folk-type mathnawi and begins with a long introduction, the virtues of collecting knowledge and doing good deeds with it by avoiding ignorance and laziness as a religious obligation are mentioned. Throughout the mathnawi, the importance and obligation of seeking knowledge are emphasized by making direct quotations from the Qur’an verses and hadiths. As a matter of fact, this mahthawi, which emphasizes that the reason for the creation of mankind is to learn knowledge and find Allah, and that it should be on the path of knowledge from cradle to grave, is an example of an nasīhatnāma on knowledge that is rarely seen in Ottoman literature. The only known copy of this mathawi of ‘Ubūdī is located in Istanbul University Rare Books Library, Turkish Manuscripts number 1931. There is no information in the manuscript that determines the identity of the author other than the pseudonym of ‘Ubūdī. For this reason, in order to determine the identity of the poet with the pseudonym ‘Ubūdī, Ottoman sources were examined and three people using this pseudonym were discovered. Of these three people, it is seen that the poems in the ‘Ubūdī-ye Gulshanī’s Manāqib-e Awliyāye Misr (The Lives of Egyptian Saints) are similar in language and style to the poems in the knowledge and ignorance themed mathnawi, and even some couplets are almost the same. Based on these similarities, it was concluded that the mathnawi entitled Dar Fazīlat-e Ilm o Amal wa Qabāhat-e Jahl o Kasal belongs to ‘Ubūdī-ye Gulshanī, one of those poets with the pseudonym of ‘Ubūdī. There is no information about the epithet, lineage and progeny of this secluded poet whose name is not mentioned in biographical and bibliographic sources. What is known about his life is due to his work called Manāqib-e Awliyā-ye Misr. ‘Ubūdī, one of the living witnesses of the developments in Egypt, deals with many details about religious and social life there in Manāqib-e Awliyā-ye Misr. Therefore, a lot of information about the environment he lived in and the people he was in contact with can be accessed. Based on the historical poems he wrote for various reasons such as religious and historical figures and the construction of architectural works, it is understood that ‘Ubūdī was in Egypt beginning from a date before 1597 until 1611. It is known that ‘Ubūdī-ye Gulshanī first affiliated to Ali Safvetī Efendi, the grandson of Ibrahim-i Gulshanī, one of the sheikhs of Gulshaniyya order, and then, after his death, Sheikh Hasan Efendi, Ali Safvetī Efendi’s brother. In this study, ‘Ubūdī-ye Gulshanī and the unknown aspects of his life will be emphasized on the occasion of his mathnawi Dar Fazīlate Ilm o Amal wa Qabāhat-e Jahl o Kasal, which has not been the subject of an academic study before. This mathnawi, which starts with a long introduction in the characteristic of tawhīd in accordance with the classical order, continues with praise of the Prophet and the four caliphs. After that, the transition to the main topic is made with the title “Dar Fazīlat-e Ilm o Amal wa Qabāhat-e Jahl o Kasal”. There are many hadiths in the form of titles in this section. These hadiths are translated and annotated with one or more couplets and various virtues of knowledge are mentioned. In addition, there is a tale titled hikāyat (story) and a verse translation of an disciple looking for the tree of immortality in Rūmī’s Mathnawī-ye Ma‘nawī. Mathnawi ends with the khātima section titled “Münājāt wa Khatme Kitāb”. In this section, ‘Ubūdī begins the pleading with the verse “Pray to me and I will respond to you” (al-Mu'min 40/60) and completes his work by praying to the person to whom his mathawi is presented and to those who read and say amen. In this article, a brief biography of ‘Ubūdī-ye Gulshanī, as reflected in the sources, his works, known poems and the analysis and text of his mathnawi Dar Fazīlat-e Ilm o Amal wa Qabāhat-e Jahl o Kasal will be included. In the analysis section, firstly, the copy of the mathnawi in the Istanbul University Rare Books Library is described, then the language, style and spelling features of the author are emphasized, and the genre and form characteristics of the work are mentioned. In the last part of the analysis section, the mathnawi is evaluated in terms of its content and its summary is given. In the conclusion section, there is a general evaluation by presenting the inferences about the work. In the second section of the article, there is transcripted text of ‘Ubūdī’s mathnawi Dar Fazīlat-e Ilm o Amal wa Qabāhat-e Jahl o Kasal. The translations of quotations such as Qur’an verses, hadiths and proverbs in the text are given and their sources are shown in the footnotes. In addition, the verses and hadiths given in translation and the stories and quotations taken from other sources are identified and their sources are shown.
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