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In October 1985, several members of the Palestine Liberation Front hijacked the cruise ship Achille Lauro during its Mediterranean cruise. After the surrender of the terrorists, it came to light that a disabled passenger, Leon Klinghoffer, was killed by one of the kidnappers. The news of the attack was all the more disturbing that Klinghoffer belonged to the Jewish community. The case of abduction of Achille Lauro has been one of the most important topics in the field of international politics and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict for a long time. The idea of creating an opera based on those events came from one of the most distinctive directors of our time, Peter Sellars (1957–), who invited composer John Adams (1947–) to cooperation. Libretto was created by Alice Goodman (1958–). Stage presentation of the fate of the passengers of Achille Lauro was to be a musical background for the wider topic: Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The main aim of the authors of The Death of Klinghoffer, what they repeatedly stressed in interviews, was to present both sides: Jewish and Muslim; not only the design of the libretto and musical development, but also the right direction. Despite these assumptions, since the premiere in 1991 at the Brussels Théâtre Royale de La Monnaie, this opera is consequently dividing the audience into its hot enthusiasts and declared opponents. Demonstrations and protests, accusations of anti-Semitic content, presentation and justification of terrorism have led not only to a change in the score, but today they are almost inseparable elements of issue. This article focuses on the opinions on the opera by critics and music journalists. After presenting the context of creation, examples of the reception, analytical and creative works are shown, such as the opinions found in the reviews of the printed sources, as well as the online ones.
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One of the essential postulates of political orientation and determination for the building of stable societies and a functioning political system in its content recognizes and imposes the need to examine the relation of relevant political actors to constitutionalism and human rights as concepts and preoccupations for any modern society. Also, constitutionalism and human rights and freedoms as its inseparable category manifest the political values and the corpus of essential and common political goals and commitments of a particular political community. Political Islam as an ideological political subject has its own sources and a valuable orientation framework through which prisms and perceptions can be interpreted or extracted by individual axiological determinants to certain issues. This paper analyzes exactly the relations of political Islam with constitutionalism and human rights, and similarly to the so-called framework it draws attention to the concepts of power, the mechanisms of control and compliance with the Sharia regulations. At the same time, the importance of human rights and freedoms in the Islamic narrative, their nature and scope, as well as the differences with the western established documents in this area are emphasized and analyzed.
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The Syrian civil war exacerbated sectarian divisions between the Alawite-ruled Syrian government and Syria’s Sunni population, straining also the relations between the Sunni majority and Alawite and Alevi minorities of the neighboring Turkey. The Alawites and Alevis of Turkey were predominantly supporting Syria’s president Bashar al-Asad, while the Turkish government greatly supported the Sunni insurgents of Syria. The paper aims at examining how Alawites and Alevis have influenced the relations between Turkey and Syria in the light of the Syrian civil war, the reasons behind the sympathy of Alevis for the Syrian government and the implications that Turkey’s Syria policy has had domestically. It finds that the Alevi / Alawite factor has had some restraining effects on Turkey’s antagonistic policy towards Syria. In the introductory part, the article touches upon the differences and the similarities between Alevis and Alawites, then it analyzes the developments in regards Turkey’s policy towards the Syrian crisis that were also reflected in Ankara’s domestic policy vis-à-vis its Alevi and Alawite minorities.
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The question of the correlation between Islam, political Islam and liberal democracy has so far been the most exposed topic in exploring the democratic capacity of political Islam and Islamic societies in general. What is particularly intriguing about the relationship between political Islam and liberal democracy is the fact of its westernized triviality that has received a pejorative tone in Islamic political circles. Simplified, the triviality of liberal democracy for the Islamic political campus implies imposing a model of democracy that cannot be fully compatible with the original Muslim notion of society and government. Hence, the following paper analyzes exactly the relations of political Islam to specific inherent categories of liberal democracy such as the rule of law, representative government, the separation of powers and secularism as diferenta specifica of liberal western democratic discourse. Through the methods of induction and deduction, the author will illustrate how appropriate tangent or divergence is illustrated and how this is reflected in the general ideological positioning of political Islam towards liberal democracy in Muslim countries through an axiological and praxeological perspective.
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. Since early times, Muslims have speculated on the nature of Revelation and the Divine Speech. This has resulted in Muslim scholars developing divergent approaches to this problem. With the constitution of the orthodoxy, the former school became dominant and it postulated that the Quran is the Word of God dictated to Prophet Muhammad through the angel Jabrail. However, during the last decades in Iran emerged scholars, such as Abdulkarim Soroush, who proposed new approaches to understanding and interpreting Revelation. This paper discusses the hermeneutical project put forward by Soroush by discussing his article on the “Expansion of Prophetic Experience”. In this article, the author argues that his modern hermeneutics is radically different from orthodox theology and problematizes that the idea that the Quran as a human creation brings about other implications outside theology, such as for instance opening the Muslim thought and liberating it from scriptural readings.
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Communication research has systematically pointed to the disparities in news coverage of political candidates from women and minority groups. These differences may hurt the chances of these candidates at being elected. Recently more migrants are entering the political arenas in their adopted Western countries. Migrants have become the center of debates over the rights and wrongs of multiculturalism. In particular, Muslim women, in liberal democracies have been turned into an allegory for undesirable cultural difference. The November 2018 US Congressional race saw an unprecedented number of women especially minority women run for office. Ilhan Omar (representing Minnesota) and Rashida Tlaib (representing Michigan) are the first Muslim women elected to Congress. Both Omar and Tlaib won by large margins. This study examines if local news coverage of Omar and Tlaib’s candidacy was congruent to prevalent schemas in representations of Muslim women and minorities in American media.
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In order to expand their economy and exports and attract foreign investments, tourists and talents, governments are increasingly adopting nation branding strategies as part of their public diplomacy to promote their image and build their reputation on the international scene. Some Arab countries, mainly countries from the Gulf region, have massively invested in branding strategies to raise their profile and build their image abroad. However, Arab countries face negative images related to, among others, gender equality and women’s rights. This paper tries to highlight the impact of gender gap on nation branding, image and reputation building of three Arabic countries: United Arab Emirates (UAE), Qatar and Saudi Arabia (KSA) and the importance of including this dimension when nations are addressing their image and reputation.
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The gender-based violence in recent times has become an integral part of the on-going Boko Haram Insurgency in North-East Nigeria. Since the full-scale declaration of combat between the Nigerian state and the insurgent group, the asymmetrical tactics of the group have been evolving, based on its capabilities. The recent spike in the targeted raid and attack on female schools, markets, and female institutions purposely for abduction and kidnapping of women and girls indicated this assertion. Due to the depletion of its fighters and loss of territories, there is a surge in mass deployment of ‘women and young girls’ as material instruments of warfare: fighters, suicide bombers, human shields, bargaining tools, sex slaves, informants, and so on. This article appraises the gender push-pull factors responsible, motivation behind the current behavior, and proffers some policy guidance.
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This study examines the normative hypothesis explaining the nexus between terrorism and Abrahamic religious tradition, particularly the Boko Haram Islamic fundamentalist sect in North-Eastern Nigeria. It is methodologically structured in quantitative and qualitative methods, where data and information are retrieved from primary and secondary sources. These were presented in a tabular form and analyzed descriptively within the context of the subject matter under investigation. The findings reveal that, beyond the classical arguments usually provided by the Abrahamic religious tradition school, the real reason behind global terrorism is for some overzealous religious bigots to establish a caliphate that will enable them to influence the international system. Based on these findings, the study concluded that the war against global terrorism would be a mirage unless national governments and international organizations fully address these fundamental issues.
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The understanding of ethnonationalism as the foundation of terrorist groups was long suspected to be true, yet only in the last decade, could the research prove to be so. These non-statal actors, which do not act in a violent manner, can become important threats for the national of international security, if provided with the right interest. Stating this, the implications for the regional and European security can be tremendous, as the civilian society will suffer greatly as an aftermath of a terrorist attack. Following this study, knowledge will be gained that will help to better understand the dynamics of relations developed between statal and non-statal actors. This paper is also an instrument underlying the concept of ethnonationalism and the connection of the term with terrorism, as we presently know it. From a methodological point of view, a qualitative method of research was used – the analysis of a case study, alongside a brief specialty literature review, in which research results regarding the topic were described. This article is open to any and all society members and can raise awareness of the public regarding the phenomenon of transformation of a non-statal actor, by providing some well-needed indicators.
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In the post-Ba’athist era, stability and national security remain the two key goals. Iraq has suffered from many extremist terrorist groups on several separate stages from 2003 to 2017. The most threatening terrorist group was ISIS (the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant), which has enormous impacts on Iraqi society, given the vast geographical areas that it controlled, and the dangers, crimes and violations suffered by the Iraqi people with all its components. The main aim of this study is to determine the impacts of ISIS on Iraqi national security. The study relied on Content Analysis Method to analyze the collected data and achieve its aims. Also, the primary research question is about the impact of ISIS on Iraq’s national security from 2014 to 2017. Correspondingly, an international coalition of more than a hundred countries was formed to stop the rapid expansion of ISIS. The number of victims who lost their lives and were affected at the psychological and humanitarian levels was explained in this study. According to the research results, ISIS was seeking long-term goals. The most important was the preparation for disseminating this new extremist ideology. The intelligence and the exploitation of poverty, ignorance, and political conflicts that ISIS used aimed to implant the extremist mentality in the most significant number of attention.
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Migration has remarkably influenced the development of civilization and the establishment of cultural borders throughout history. In the case of Nigeria, one of the negative impacts of migration has been the violent seizure of ancestral lands by the
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Verse 27 of Surat al-Shoora clarifies the criteria by which the blessings and opportunities in the life of this world are distributed among the servants, and thus helps the minds to correctly grasp the message emphasized in verse 26, that Allah gives more of His bounty to His servants who believe and do good deeds. If Allah had given all people the blessings and resources such as intelligence, health, talent, etc. abundantly and equally in this world, there would be no unity, stability and order on earth. People would not be concerned about developing their skills, there would be no regular working life, no search for a balance and system (for example, the science of economics) for the sake of employment and the sharing of material opportunities, and as a result, civilizations and states would not have been established. When we interpret the message of verse 41 of Surat al-Rûm in a general framework within the framework of the economic problems of today's world, we come to the fact that the cause of the economic problem (mischief) is man and the capitalist economic system that makes man think about what he needs and not what he should think about the distribution of the blessings (justice in distribution). Therefore, if an economic understanding centered on prosperity and felah, that is, the economic principles of Islam, takes its place in people's lives, there will be no trace of these problems.
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The creation of the human being is in two parts, the body and the soul. As verse 26 of Surat al-Hijr points out, the body is in the process of physical and biological change starting from the soil as a work and manifestation of Allah's attribute of creation. The soul is as much in need of spiritual power as the body is in need of necessities. Man wants to recognize and know the Divine will that created him, to comprehend the reason for the creation of this world and to learn the purpose of his creation in this world. Islam is the only religion in the sight of Allah (swt) that was sent to all mankind, whose rule will transcend the ages and last until the Day of Judgment, the religion of Tawheed, which was preached by the first human being and the first Prophet, Hz Adam (as), and the continuation (abrogation) of the following celestial religions. In the year 610 A.H., Jabrâil (as) conveyed his mission to our Prophet Muhammad (saw), and thus the Messenger of Allah (saw) was appointed by Allah (swt) as our last and greatest guide. The purpose (maqāṣid al-sharī'a) of the religion's theological, practical and ethical rulings is to ensure that the servants attain happiness in this world and the Hereafter, and to gain the pleasure of Allah (swt) in all their behaviors. In verse 10 of Surat al-Fāṭir, the expression "beautiful words" refers to knowledge, thus drawing attention to the fact that deeds are complementary to knowledge. Thus, the path to maqāṣṣud al-shari'a is through knowledge and deeds, and knowledge is the most virtuous of deeds. The purpose of knowledge is to act upon it.
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The article examines the funeral and memorial rites in the village of Breznitsa, Gocedelchev region. The specific local manifestations of the practices studied are presented in comparison with those of the other Muslim communities. Various elements of this rite are described both as prescriptions in the Koran and the Hadiths, and as the narrative tradition of the Bulgarian Muslims. The analysis of the connections between written and oral traditions shows the presence of an untransformed, ancient layer which continues to exist in parallel with the precepts of traditional Sunni Islam, characteristic of Ottoman culture. The field data used is gathered by the author in the period 2021–2023.
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The Turkish term “lider” is derived from the English word “leader”, which denotes the concept of leading or advancing. This term has been adopted into Turkish with a similar meaning. In Turkish usage, the term “lider” often implies the concept of “önder” (guide), and similarly, “liderlik” is associated with “önderlik” (guidance). The introduction of various adjectives has expanded and diversified the application of the term. For example, terms such as religious leader, political leader, community leader, transformational leader, and charismatic leader illustrate this broad usage. In the context of the “Religion and Leadership Workshop” organized by the Qur’an Research Foundation (KURAV), the term “lider” should primarily be interpreted as referring to a “religious leader” or a “leader in religion”. However, it is important to recognize that a religious leader may also exhibit social, cultural, charismatic, and transformative attributes, thereby integrating aspects of political, social, or charismatic leadership. The ideal framework for such a leadership, as exemplified by prophets, represents an aspirational model, though real-life leaders may vary in their alignment with this ideal. This dimension of leadership is also explored in our workshop through papers, discussions, and contributions when they touch on the realities and contemporary situations. The Religion and Leadership Workshop features four principal papers, including an inaugural conference, and the final volume of proceedings encompasses a total of five papers. These are Yalçın Akdoğan’s “Religion and Leadership” (Inaugural Conference); Yusuf Şevki Yavuz’s “Leadership in the Qur’an”; Adem Apak’s “Muhammad (pbuh) and His Leadership”; Bayram Ali Çetinkaya’s “Turkey-Centered Politics in Contemporary Islamic Thought and Leadership Quests”, and Mehmet Ali Büyükkara’s “Religious Leadership in Turkey”. In addition to these papers, brief discussions contributed by Adnan Demircan, Ahmet Yaman, Bünyamin Erul, Yusuf Şevki Yavuz, and Cağfer Karadaş provide further insights. The workshop is also enriched by individual assessments from participants, including Mustafa Gencer’s “Ottoman Modernization in the Tanzimat and Meşrutiyet Periods”; Mustafa Tekin’s “Religion in Leadership and Leadership in Religion”, and Şaban Ali Düzgün’s “Process Analysis of Modernization from the Ottoman Empire to the Turkish Republic”. These contributions collectively offer valuable perspectives and enhance the scholarly discourse of the event.
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This study examines how Muhammad b. Ashraf al-Samarqandī deals with the classical theological theory asserting that the soul is a obscure body. The theory of the soul by Samarqandī represents a resistance against the abstract theory of the soul that began with Rāghib al-Isfahanī and al-Ghazalī and became widespread in later theological discourse. Another aspect of Samarqandī’s theory of the soul is his ability to blend certain elements of the abstract soul theory with the theory of obscure body. The theory of the soul by Samarqandī has emerged in the context of debates shaped by Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī’s theory of the abstract soul and his criticisms regarding related issues. In this context, the study aims to elucidate the ground upon which al-Rāzī problematized issues related to the theory of the soul and to uncover the accumulation produced by Samarqandī on this basis. In this research, it has been observed that Samarqandī developed his system by reinforcing it with the following aspects, which are extensions of the concept of the abstract soul theory: bodily and spiritual perfection, distinction between sensory and rational perception, the view of internal senses located in the brain, and details regarding theoretical-practical intellect distinction. Furthermore, Samarqandī integrated Sufi elements related to asceticism and spiritual discipline into the theory in the context of the soul’s perfection. He accepts situations such as miracles and karamat as outcomes of spiritual attainment and endeavors to explain them on a rational basis as ordinary occurrences. It has been determined that Avicenna’s work, al-Isharat wa al-Tanbihat, holds a significant place at the core of Samarqandī’s synthesis attempt. On the other hand, it has been concluded that Samarqandī maintains general theological principles such as there is no eternal and abstract entity besides Allah, Allah is the agent who accomplishes His acts through His will, there is no necessary causality in the world, and the afterlife existence will involve a corporeal life in the unity of soul and body.
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