Divide and Deport

Author(s): Claude Cahn / Language(s): English

Between 20,000 and 30,000 Roma and Sinti live in Austria today. Some are descended from Roma and Sinti who have lived for generations in Austria, especially in the Burgenland district. Others are migrants or the children or grandchildren of migrants who came to Austria to work and live, attracted by its favorable post-World War II economic climate. Still others are persons receiving or seeking asylum as a result of poverty and ethnic pogroms in contemporary Central and Eastern Europe. This report will deal with this exceedingly diverse group of people as if it were a single social phenomenon. Individual members of the Romani community might not agree with this unified treatment. However, the group as a whole has been forced in recent years to respond to a rise in right wing, racist, xenophobic, or specifically anti-Romani sentiments, actions and legislation targeting Roma as Roma, regardless of internal distinctions. Since at the end of the day all Roma must adjust in some way to the new hostile climate in Austria, this report treats the various abuses of their rights as similar, and their fate as common. The research for this report was carried out over the period of February—May, 1996, in accordance with contemporary methodology in human rights investigation. Victims and witnesses were interviewed, wherever possible, in private. All statements were subject to sceptical scrutiny, and again wherever possible, corroboration was sought from second and third parties. Comment was also sought from competent authorities, although these were, in Austria, singularly unhelpful and, with several notable exceptions, the Austrian police and Interior Ministry did not respond to queries made by the "European Eoma "Eights Center. The purpose of the report will be to show the disastrous consequences on Roma of a series of new laws on legal residence and asylum, ratified between 1991 and 1993. The report will also investigate how the ground was prepared for the systematic exclusion of Roma in Austria through the recognition of a narrow and unrepresentative group of Roma as an Austrian “ethnic group” Volksgruppe). A connection will be made between this systematic exclusion and the recent appearance in Austria of episodes of public violence specifically targeting Roma. Finally, the report will make a series of concrete recommendations to the Austrian government for improving the legal situation of Roma in Austria.

Nemoć očiglednog

Author(s): Mirjana Miočinović / Language(s): Serbian

Tekstovi obuhvaćeni ovom knjigom, bilo da je reč o intervjuima ili drugim oblicima izražavanja ličnih stavova, koji su mi stajali na raspolaganju, bili su u doslovnom smislu iznuđeni. Iznudile su ih prilike u kojima smo živeli i ljudska potreba da se na njih reaguje. Ako je u njima bilo nekog dubljeg, svesnog razloga onda je on izvirao iz želje da se još neko podstakne da svoje neslaganje sa politikom koja se već četvrt veka vodi u naše imeizrazi kako zna i ume i gde god mu se za to ukaže prilika. A prilike najčešće sami stvaramo.

Danilo Kiš (1935-2005) : između poetike i politike

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

Knjigu je priredila Mirjana Miočinović, i sadrži materijale sa Međunarodnog skupa pisaca održanog u Centru za kulturnu dekontaminaciju od 15. do 17. juna 2005, povodom sedamdesetogodišnjice piščevog rođenja. Ovim izdanjem Centar za kulturnu dekontaminaciju započinje ediciju Transkripti. Prvi deo knjige čine fragmente razgovora kojeg je vodio sa njim Boro Krivokapić (1982.), kao i transkript III epizode serije „Goli život“ Danila Kiša i Aleksandra Mandića, uz Mandićev uvodni tekst. U drugom delu knjige nalaze se transkripti razgovora sa Međunarodnog skupa pisaca koji je održan od 15. do 17. juna 2005. u Centru za kulturnu dekontaminaciju (učestvovali: Nenad Veličković, Laslo Blašković, Kšištof Varga, Aleksandar Hemon, Fatos Lubonja, Muharem Bazdulj, Milan Đorđević, Mihajlo Pantić, Vladimir Arsenijević, Zoran Đerić), kao i tekstovi autora koji su iz nekog razloga bili sprečeni da prisustvuju skupu (Vladimir Bacunov, Aleš Debeljak, Aleksandar Gatalica) Svoje su priloge poslala dvojica mladih kompozitora, Englez Stiven Čejs (Stephen Chase) i Amerikanac Metju Vest (Matthew Vest). Ovi su tekstovi kratki opisi njihovih slučajnih susreta s dvema Kišovim knjigama, s romanima Peščanik (M. Vest) i Bašta, pepeo (S. Čejs), i njihovog pokušaja da pronađu "neku vrstu muzičkog odgovora" na snažne utiske koje su te knjige proizvele u njima. U knjizi se objavljuju fragmenti partitura obeju kompozicija. Na kraju zbornika, kao neka vrsta eksplikativnog dodatka, nalazi se završno poglavlje knjige Davora Beganovića Pamćenje traume. Apokaliptička proza Danila Kiša (2007), pod naslovom "Jugoslovenska varijanta staljinizma: Goli otok i Goli život".

Изложба „Д-р Евдокия Петева-Филова – завръщане в Двореца“

Author(s): Anita Komitska / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 4/2016

Debele knjige i debele mačke

Author(s): Dimitrije Boarov / Language(s): Serbian

Gotovo protestantska, „malograđanska vizija“, navodno izmišljena u Vojvodini po ugledu na druge evropske nacije, večito je kod nas osuđivana i omalovažavana iz sredina koje su za ideju nacionalnog oslobođenja i ujedinjenja vekovima krvarile po šumama i gorama naše zemlje ponosne. Naučeni da uz ladan burek i vruće pivo preziremo malograđanštinu, nastavili smo da preziremo i Vojvodinu. Možda će se ovakvo shvatanje u Srbiji promeniti po sledećoj logici zaključivanja: Vojvodina je bila opasno provincijalna i malograđanska, sve dok nismo belodano videli da je i malograđanština mnogo bolja od varvarstva.

Kišobran patrijarha Pavla. Kritika palanačkog uma

Author(s): Mirko Đorđević / Language(s): Serbian

Znamo da honorar od svojih knjiga ostavlja Crkvi, da je stari budilnik zaveštao unuku, ali ne znamo još kome je zaveštao svoj stari kišobran. Godinama smo ga viđali na ulicama sa tim starinskim kišobranom. Budilnik je njega budio za jutrenje, ali nije uspevao da probudi sabraću arhijereje. I sada na sahrani, ko sve nije bio pod kišobranom njegovim – i ko sve godinama pod njim stajao nije. Naravno, ne pod onim starim, već pod onim koji se podrazumeva za ono vlasti što je imao među sabraćom arhijerejima u Sinodu i Saboru. I tu je sva muka njegova, možda i udes njegove misije tokom dvadesetak godina na čelu SPC. Došla je sada da potraži utehu nad odrom i sama “kosovka đevojka” B. Plavšić, koja je sa ratovođama Karadžićem i Mladićem dobar deo Bosne zasejala grobovima. U mučnim godinama raspada države – sa zločinima koji su užasnuli svet – pokojni patrijarh se nije baš snalazio. Izgovarao je opomene, ne da nije, ali sabraća arhijereji, barem dobar deo među njima, nisu krili svoje ratne ciljeve. Ne, ne Isusu mira i pravde, već balkanskom bogu Marsu do crne zemlje su se klanjali. I druge su vodili, i sve nas, do ambisa iz kojeg još izašli nismo. I skoro nećemo.

Druga obala. Ogledi o zlu kulture i kulturi iskupljenja

Author(s): Slobodan Beljanski / Language(s): Serbian

Zašto se danas u Srbiji okleva sa otvaranjem tajnih policijskih dosijea iz vremena komunizma i, uopšte, zašto vlast voli da radi u tajnosti? Zašto se u našoj zemlji ne praktikuje lustracija? Zašto političari u Srbiji s podozrenjem gledaju one koji se zalažu za ljudska prava i civilno društvo? Zašto se izbegava rasprava o političkoj odgovornosti za ubistvo Zorana Đinđića? Zašto je kod nas pravna kultura zamrla? Ovo su neka od pitanja kojima se bavi autor ove knjige. Međutim, za rešenjima ovih problema Beljanski ne traga samo u okviru pravne literature, nego ide jednim zaobilaznim, krivudavim i “sporim” putem. To je put koji nudi filozofija prava i politička filozofija, gde Beljanski pronalazi putokaze za čoveka dostojnu orijentaciju u javnom životu, etičke repere u traganju za “drugom obalom”.

Talog. Ogledi o prednostima slobode

Author(s): Vladimir Gligorov / Language(s): English,Serbian

Pred vama su tekstovi koje je Vladimir Gligorov napisao za Peščanik, Blic, NIN, Helsinšku povelju, Ekonomist, Politiku, Danas, časopis Banka i Cord Magazine. Tekstovi su nastali između dva septembra, 2006. i 2010. godine. Na kraju knjige je izbor od devet eseja prevedenih na odličan British engleski, ljubaznošću The Bosnian Institute iz Londona i našeg prevodioca Ivice Pavlovića iz Novoga Sada. Naslov knjige je preuzet iz teksta Talog, napisanog u aprilu 2009, u kojem se analizira koliko rasizma i mržnje prema Albancima staje u jednu rečenicu Dobrice Ćosića.Ovo je knjiga sa poukom. Ona dokazuje da su ekonomija i politika povezane. Da društvo obilja naseljavaju slobodni ljudi. Najzabavniji deo su citati kojima autor počinje neke od tekstova. Tajno središte knjige je u eseju Identitet. Učite i uživajte: It is the thought, the smile, and the sound of the piano that matter.

Zašto se zemlje raspadaju - slučaj Jugoslavija

Author(s): Vladimir Gligorov / Language(s): Serbian

Vladimir Gligorov je ovu knjigu napisao na engleskom, pre 20 godina, na severu Evrope, pretpostavljamo dosta usamljen u starom univerzitetskom gradu Upsala, u Švedskoj. Te davne 1994. knjige su se još uvek slovoslagale, a ratovi devedesetih su bili u punom jeku: ratu u Bosni se nije video kraj, a rat na Kosovu je još uvek pripadao dalekoj budućnosti. Kao jedna od prvih studija o raspadu Jugoslavije, knjiga Zašto se zemlje raspadaju – Slučaj Jugoslavija je imala ogroman uticaj na zapadne autore koji su se bavili ovom temom. Pred vama je prvo elektronsko izdanje ove knjige na engleskom i njen prvi prevod na naš jezik.

Why Do Countries Break Up? - The Case of Yugoslavia

Author(s): Vladimir Gligorov / Language(s): English

The book deals with the violent and inconclusive break up of Yugoslavia. The author relies on the rational political choice approach to construct an explanation that (i) given the preference of the exYugoslav nations for ethnic justice over individual liberties and rights, and (ii) given the influences of the long terra ethnic strategies and rivalries, the legacy of the four decades of communist rule, and the complexities of the post-socialist transformation process, the break up of their common country was what it took the Yugoslav nations to try to realize their political preferences. In Chapter 1 the process of “Balkanization” is discussed. First, the theory of constitutional choice is criticized. It is shown that the assumptions (stated and unstated) on which the theory is founded are not mutually consistent. Second, it is argued that that makes the idea of self-determination inoperable and self-destructive. Yugoslavia was founded on the principle of self-determination; it has been dissolving in accordance with the same principle. Third, the illusive idea of individual and ethnic identity, of the “self”, in the Balkans is described and analyzed. Fourth, the implications for the failure of any constitutional idea to be accepted as legitimate in Yugoslavia are drawn. In Chapter 2 the process of the discovery of liberalism during the communist rule is discussed and the reasons for its failure given. All the classical liberal ideas were discovered in Yugoslavia in conflict with the socialist principles; they failed to play a key role in the transformation of the country because they did not arise from an idea of a Yugoslav state. In Chapter 3 a “straightforward explanation” of the break up of Yugoslavia is given. It is argued that the state did not break up for economic reasons (as a way to get out of socialism), but for the following two reasons: (i) independent ethnic state is the long term strategy of Serbs and Croats (the two dominant Yugoslav nations); (ii) political preferences came to dominate the economic ones in the process of transformation. Given the goals and the preferences and given the facts of the ethnic configuration, the break up of Yugoslavia was inevitable and it inevitably had to be inconclusive. In Chapter 4 the contribution of the communist legacy is discussed and the record of individual and collective rights left in the ex-Yugoslav states is reviewed. It is shown that none of the newly established states has achieved a significant increase in those rights and is far from any ideal of a liberal state. In the conclusion, the idea that “Balkans are different” is rejected and it is argued that the failure of the principles of civic rights and international order to be respected and implemented will invariably lead to the same set of outcome. In that the importance of the case of Yugoslavia lies.

Untold Stories from the Wild East

Author(s): Andras Kelemen / Language(s): English

András G. Kelemen shares his stories from a long transnational professional career. Kelemen worked in various roles in transnational organisations. He has four children and three grandchildren. When it comes to daily politics, while being a diehart patriot and simultaneously a cosmopolitan, Kelemen says “I am a diehard democrat. However, to confuse anyone” he admits during his professional years as a top manager he had to skip some democratic processes as the pressures of time specific critical decisions dictated. Kelemen, as clearly seen from his satirical story telling in this book, says he would listen eagerly to the opinions of his colleagues if there was enough time, “but this happened rather scarcely”.

Dok plugovi češljaju rebra

Author(s): Miljenko Jergović / Language(s): Bosnian

Za obje Jugoslavije zna se kada su i kako nastale, i može se ustanoviti datum pa i sat njihovih rođenja, ali je puno teže, možda i nemoguće, ustvrditi kada je koja nestala. Tu datumi ne igraju ulogu, nemoćne su povijesne znanosti, odgovora nema u novinskim i televizijskim dokumentacijama. Istina, ažurni strani birokrati će reći da se SFRJ upokojila onda kada su preostatku njezine delegacije otkazani akreditivi u Ujedinjenim narodima i kada su im prestale važiti kartice za ulazak u zgradu na East Riveru. Ali svi znamo da uistinu nije tako: naša zemlja umrla je prije i poslije toga.

From Villány to Tokyo

Author(s): Gábor Rekettye / Language(s): English

“I was born at the end of World War II, and so I was young in the ’60s. This means that I belong to the so-called (at least in Hungary) ‘great generation’. Young people of this generation, especially in America and Western Europe, rebelled against the existing system, showing their dissatisfaction by protests, new types of music and by outrageous clothes and behaviour. We – here and in the other socialist countries – experienced this, only because of the limitations of the repressive system, in a much gentler way. I have never been a rebel myself, and yet what tied me to this great generation was my desire to know the world much better, to be more informed than the average, to be a real cosmopolitan. That is why I studied languages and travelled much more than most.”

Dnevnik iz grada P.

Author(s): Nenad Popović / Language(s): Croatian

At the first sight, this book is a compilation of notes on private, political and social matters. However, it is far more than just that. The essays in the Diary form the City of P. tackle the signals of state poverty or, rather, state power that is barely noticed in Croatia; the books read only by a few in Croatia, the nearly unreal facts that are strange to almost nobody in Croatia. What does a microcosmos of a garbage bottles gatherer really look like? Where do the new highways lead to as they descend to the borders of Schengen Area, towards the unfortunate regions of the Balkans? How does a simple building demask the whole history of a former Austro-Hungarian war port? Finally, how did the Kajkavian dialect end up in the gutter, as a social caricature, during the language wars of the last 150 years? This diary, whose geographical determinant (a city by the sea), and a historical moment (the year of Croatia’s entrance into the EU) are a necessary context, is in fact unconventional anatomy of the reality that flows, thorough and encompassing at the same time. Publisher, translator, and writer Nenad Popović was born in Zagreb in 1950. He attended colleges in Zagreb and Bonn, and Freiburg with the scholarship Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst. He graduated in German Language and Literature and South Slavic Languages and Literature from the Zagreb Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences. In 1980. he became an editor, and afterwards the head editor of the publishing house Graphical Institute of Croatia. In 1990. he co-founded the publishing house Durieux, one of the first independent private publishing houses in Croatia, where he worked as the head editor until 2013. In 1999. he participated in founding of the literary Group 99. In 2002 he became one of founders of the Croatian Writers’ Society, becoming its vice-president afterwards. Since 1978, he has occasionally written for newspapers, magazines and radio, and since 1985 for the media of German speaking countries (Manuskripte, Literatur und Kritik, Kulturaustausch, Frankfurter Rundschau, Die Zeit, Weltwoche, et al.). For theatre he translated such authors as Sternheim, Bruckner, Bernhard, Fassbinder among others. He also translated books by Erwin Piscator, Kazimir Malevič, Boris Kelemen, Benn Meyer-Wehlack, Tilla Durieux and Rainer Werner Fassbinder. During Bosnian wars, he translated articles by Bosnian writers (Karahasan, Lovrenović, Filipović, Jergović) for German newspapers and magazines. He published books A World in Shadow (2008), A Treatise on Population (2014), Diary from the City of P. (2017), and Living with Them (2021). For his work he received many awards and accolades: Premio '92 per il lavoro letterario from the Italian Cultural Institute in Zagreb (1992), The Leipzig Book Award for European Understanding (1999), and, with Freimut Duve, Bruno Kreisky Award (1999). He was also awarded the Hermann Kesten Medal by the German PEN Centre in 2000. The same year he became an honorary citizen of Sarajevo. He is a member of the following organisations: Croatian PEN Centre, Cap Anamur - German Emergency Doctors, Cologne; Journalisten helfen Journalisten, München; International Forum Bosnia, Sarajevo; Association of Literary Translators of Croatia. He lives in Pula.

Život s njima

Author(s): Nenad Popović / Language(s): Croatian

A book of essays Living with Them is the anatomy of the last Yugoslav decade, and the first three decades of Croatian reality. As an autonomous observer, and an analyst of cultural and ideological patterns, Nenad Popović creates a sketch for the typology of Croatian intellectuals, artists and politicians’ public personae. He creates sketches of mindsets that harbour religious fundamentalism, Yugonostalgia, or partake in the phenomena of mass culture. As in his previous books and public interventions, Popović is a pessimistic chronicler of his time, and his essays are qualified testimonies of a disjointed, crazy time in which Croatia and Europe are looking for themselves - spiritually, politically and economically. This book is a kind of Popović’s “private encyclopaedia” of Croatia. Although the author sees only caricatures and dramas of the big Croatian self-deception and its continuous blindness, from the late communism until this day, we can still discern his invitation to take a mirror in our hands. Publisher, translator, and writer Nenad Popović was born in Zagreb in 1950. He attended colleges in Zagreb and Bonn, and Freiburg with the scholarship Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst. He graduated in German Language and Literature and South Slavic Languages and Literature from the Zagreb Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences. In 1980. he became an editor, and afterwards the head editor of the publishing house Graphical Institute of Croatia. In 1990. he co-founded the publishing house Durieux, one of the first independent private publishing houses in Croatia, where he worked as the head editor until 2013. In 1999. he participated in founding of the literary Group 99. In 2002 he became one of founders of the Croatian Writers’ Society, becoming its vice-president afterwards. Since 1978, he has occasionally written for newspapers, magazines and radio, and since 1985 for the media of German speaking countries (Manuskripte, Literatur und Kritik, Kulturaustausch, Frankfurter Rundschau, Die Zeit, Weltwoche, et al.). For theatre he translated such authors as Sternheim, Bruckner, Bernhard, Fassbinder among others. He also translated books by Erwin Piscator, Kazimir Malevič, Boris Kelemen, Benn Meyer-Wehlack, Tilla Durieux and Rainer Werner Fassbinder. During Bosnian wars, he translated articles by Bosnian writers (Karahasan, Lovrenović, Filipović, Jergović) for German newspapers and magazines. He published books A World in Shadow (2008), A Treatise on Population (2014), Diary from the City of P. (2017), and Living with Them (2021). For his work he received many awards and accolades: Premio '92 per il lavoro letterario from the Italian Cultural Institute in Zagreb (1992), The Leipzig Book Award for European Understanding (1999), and, with Freimut Duve, Bruno Kreisky Award (1999). He was also awarded the Hermann Kesten Medal by the German PEN Centre in 2000. The same year he became an honorary citizen of Sarajevo. He is a member of the following organisations: Croatian PEN Centre, Cap Anamur - German Emergency Doctors, Cologne; Journalisten helfen Journalisten, München; International Forum Bosnia, Sarajevo; Association of Literary Translators of Croatia. He lives in Pula.

Polskie dziennikarstwo wojenne. Twórcy, gatunki, konflikty zbrojne i polityka międzynarodowa

Author(s): Zbigniew Bednarek / Language(s): Polish

The publication is part of the study of international relations in the context of their relations with the media and journalists, especially war journalism. The historical and political background of wars outlined in the publication, combined with the analysis of journalistic presentations of wars, reveals a point of contact between international politics and societies and the media. In the monograph, each time outlining the political and historical background of wars, over 40 journalistic war reports published in book form were analyzed, from 9 wars, conducted since 1918 until the beginning of the 21st century, in various parts of the world (Europe, Africa, Indochina, the Caucasus, the Balkans, Iraq, Afghanistan). In addition, the study presents the work of journalists during the war over the years, the tradition of war relations since antiquity and its status in global journalism, the definition and typology of war correspondents, and issues of sources, professional ethics, documentary value of reports, as well as war propaganda and ways of influencing the recipients. A significant amount of space in the work is devoted to military announcements and reports from the Polish-Bolshevik war to the peace mission and stabilization mission at the turn of the 20th and 21st century, as well as the work of press officers of the Polish Army.

Icons on Trial. Negotiations Between Moscow and Moldavia over Some ‘Noncanonical’ Icons in the First Decades of the 17th Century

Author(s): Elena Firea / Language(s): English Issue: 5/2021

En 1629, une ambassade dirigée par l’archimandrite Varlaam est arrivée à la cour du tsar Mikhaïl Féodorovitch Romanov, demandant la permission de passer une commande aux peintres moscovites, afin depeindre deux icônes pour le prince Miron Barnovschi. Les sources documentaires nous renseignent sur la dédicacedes icônes et sur le fait qu’elles appartenaient à la typologie des icônes hagiographiques, avec des portraitsde saints au milieu et des scènes narratives de leur vie sur les bords. Bien qu’achevées et payées intégralementpar le prince moldave, les icônes ne sont jamais parvenues à leur commanditaire. Le patriarche Philarète Nikititchles a retenues à Moscou sous prétexte qu’elles étaient ‘inconvenablement’ peintes. Sept ans plus tard,alors que Varlaam occupait le poste de métropolite de Moldavie, le prince Vasile Lupu envoya une autre ambassadeà la cour de Moscou, pour tenter de les récupérer. Le tsar organisa une enquête, les peintres furent interrogéssur les modèles suivis, mais le résultat resta le même : les icônes avaient été peintes de manière noncanonique et ne pouvaient pas être remises aux messagers moldaves. L’enquête sur cet intéressant ‘échec’ diplomatique fait l’objet de la présente étude. En suivant André Grabar, qui soulevait pour la première fois laquestion du prétendu manque de canonicité de ces icônes, l’article reprend toute la question des causes possiblesdu refus inhabituel des autorités moscovites de les remettre à leurs commanditaires. En corroborant lesinformations documentaires avec l’analyse des sources visuelles disponibles, dans le contexte plus large de lacommande des icônes et de l’évolution du culte de saint Jean le Nouveau à l’époque, l’étude suggère qu’uneraison possible de ce rejet pourrait être la représentation du martyr de Suceava – et ce, non pas parce qu’ils’agissait d’un saint inconnu en Russie à l’époque (cf. A. Grabar); mais surtout à cause de l’utilisation d’uncertain modèle iconographique employé dans l’entourage du métropolitain Anastasie Crimca. Ce modèle étaitsans doute susceptible d’avoir déplu au patriarche Philarète Nikititch. Varlaam connaissait bien ce type dereprésentation et avait probablement donné des instructions précises aux peintres moscovites, qui les ont sansdoute suivies à la lettre. En effet, à la suite de cet épisode, Varlaam enverra également au tsar une hagiographie etune icône de saint Jean le Nouveau, qui semblent avoir dynamisé le culte et les représentations iconographiquesdédiées au martyr de Suceava en Russie à la même époque.

‘The Arbitrary Distribution of Emphasis’. (Conclusions)

Author(s): Vladimir Agrigoroaei,Ovidiu Olar / Language(s): English Issue: 5/2021

Idei şi Oameni

Author(s): Felix Aderca / Language(s): Romanian

[Published in 1922 by Editura Alcalay & Calafateanu, Bucharest] Committed, by the 1920s, to a highly personalized pacifist socialism, Aderca veered toward the far-left of politics: in Idei și oameni, he chided Romanian reformism, moderate Marxism as personified by Constantin Dobrogeanu-Gherea and the Second International. He decried the exploitation of workers and luxuries such as the casinos of Sinaia. Nonetheless, Crohmălniceanu, a Marxist, noted that Moartea unei republici roșii told little about how "a new society is to be organized". Aderca favored "a nonconformism of a mostly moral and aesthetic kind", where sexual freedom, creative liberty and the celebration Aderca approved of class conflict, with Marxism as a legitimiate tool of the masses: "war is a creation of masters fighting each other for dominance. [...] What can the impoverished people have in common with the polite master? The French worker, what does he stand to gain from this war, other than a more thorough understanding of Marxism?" Aderca's leftist leanings were incompatible with the neoliberalism of his mentor Eugen Lovinescu, something acknowledged by Aderca in his Mic tratat years. In Mărturia unei generații, Aderca challenged Lovinescu to answer on the subject. Lovinescu did so, noting that Sburătorul's celebration of individualism outweighed the neoliberal stance of its leader. In Aderca's work, socialism was doubled by a sarcastic view of traditional authority. Police officers opened a file on him when, in 1927, he mocked King Ferdinand I as a standard of barber shop posters. According to Dumitru Hîncu, although the comment irritated state security, it was not truly "an attack on State institutions or its leaders".

Print Media and Civil-Military Relations in Greece and Turkey

Author(s): Duygu Ozturk / Language(s): English

The media in Greece and Turkey have played a crucial role in the political communication in their countries. Along with their main functions of monitoring the policies of the government on behalf of the public and providing news, the media in these two countries also served as key actors producing meanings through interpretative journalism. This study analyzes how Greek and Turkish newspapers’ columnists interpreted and framed military takeovers in their countries after the takeovers had happened. Refuting arguments in the literature asserting that Greek columnists kept their silence during the military regime due to censorship, while there was strong and open support in Turkey among newspaper columnists for the 12 September coup and the subsequent rule, this study argues that the situations in both countries were much more complex than these studies have claimed. It shows that important similarities existed between Greek and Turkish officers’ approach to the media in their countries during their respective periods of rule. In addition, Greek and Turkish columnists shared both similarities and differences in their framings and interpretations of the military’s takeover in their countries and the subsequent interregna.