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This publication is the translation of the original Memories of Ráv Élijáhu Domán (Domán Ernő), written in Hebrew. The original document is saved and stored in Yad Vashem, The Holocaust Martyrs' and Heroes' Remembrance Authority . The translation and has been made by István Domán, the son of Ráv Élijáhu Domán, in September-October 2004.
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Jews were given a guarantee of equality by the Emancipation Act no. XVII/1867, which meant the same role for them like for all other citizens of Europe: to fulfil civil obligations and be loyal to the Hungarian statehood and the crown. They had to stop operating as a separate unit, that is, they had to suppress through reforms the cultural and ethnic particularities that distinguished them from the rest of the population and, consequently, to blend in with the majority, keeping their own religion at the most. Assimilation was intended as the consequence of emancipation and, in fact, its fulfilment. Such a liberal model, based on the Enlightenment ideals of the French Revolution, was in place everywhere in Western Europe. In the Hungarian intentions the assimilation had to take place toward the dominant ethnic Hungarian (Magyar) culture in order to strengthen its tenuous position within the boundaries of the historic Kingdom of Hungary, or, in other words, to increase at least statistically the number of ethnic Hungarians compared to other “nationalities”. In the beginning of the 20th century, Jews in Hungary amounted to about 6 % of the total population, which was a really high number compared with 1 % in Germany. The assimilation process in Hungary took place much faster than in Western Europe, or in less time, generally between the Compromise and World War I, and was most evident in the area of language. The difference was also in the fact that while the assimilation took place in the West in strong national cultures and modern economies, in Hungary it unrolled in generally less developed economic, cultural and political conditions.
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The streets of Germany’s biggest cities are increasingly witnessing frequent anti-Semitic incidents. Despite the fact that Germany regards the fight against anti-Semitism as part and parcel of its domestic policy, in recent years Jews living in Germany have reported that they feel under threat, to such an extent that 44% of them are considering migration. Debates on the presence of ‘imported anti-Semitism’ among refugees from Arab states who have come to Germany in recent years have been held for several months. Anti-Semitism among asylum seekers is a new element in the dispute that has been evident in Germany over the attitude of specific parties to anti-Semitism and methods for combating it. Both Alternative for Germany (AfD) and the Left Party are accused by other parties of insufficient efforts to eliminate instances of anti-Semitism in their ranks. The AfD, for its part, accuses Chancellor Angela Merkel of having contributed to an increase in xenophobic tendencies by pursuing a liberal migration policy. Significant differences between the statistics concerning incidents (which suggest that the perpetrators are most often right-wing extremists) and the accounts given by the victims (who point to individuals of migrant origin as the perpetrators) have triggered doubts regarding the methodology used to compile these statistics. Attempts by the Federal Ministry of the Interior to monitor anti-Semitic incidents, which is a practice recommended by non-governmental organisations, may help to improve the credibility of the statistics by showing the motivation behind such attacks in a broader context. Activities carried out by the federation and by individual German states focus on curbing anti-Semitism on the internet and in schools, which is where incidents involving discrimination and attacks are becoming increasingly common.
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Na ulicach największych niemieckich miast coraz częściej dochodzi do incydentów antysemickich. Mimo że walka z antysemityzmem jest uznawana w Niemczech za część doktryny państwowej, w ostatnich latach wśród Żydów żyjących w Niemczech zdecydowanie wzrosło poczucia zagrożenia i to do tego stopnia, że 44% z badanych rozważa emigrację. Od kilkunastu miesięcy prowadzone są debaty nad „zaimportowanym antysemityzmem” obecnym wśród uchodźców z państw arabskich, przybywających w ostatnich latach do RFN. Antysemityzm wśród azylantów jest nowym elementem w trwającym od dłuższego czasu w Niemczech sporze o stosunek poszczególnych partii do antysemityzmu i jego zwalczania. Zarówno Alternatywa dla Niemiec (AfD), jak i Lewica są oskarżane przez pozostałe ugrupowania o niedostateczne rozliczanie się z przypadków antysemityzmu we własnych szeregach. Z kolei AfD zarzuca kanclerz Angeli Merkel przyczynienie się do wzrostu ksenofobii poprzez liberalną politykę migracyjną. Znaczące różnice między statystykami incydentów (w których mowa o sprawcach przede wszystkim prawicowej proweniencji) a odczuciami ofiar, które wskazują sprawców o pochodzeniu migracyjnym, rodzą pytania o metodologię prowadzonych zestawień. Próby wdrażania przez Federalne Ministerstwo Spraw Wewnętrznych opracowanych przez organizacje pozarządowe praktyk monitorowania incydentów antysemickich mogą pomóc w poprawie wiarygodności statystyk dzięki przedstawieniu szerszego tła motywacji ataków. Działania federacji i krajów związkowych koncentrują się szczególnie na powstrzymywaniu antysemityzmu w Internecie oraz szkołach, gdzie coraz częściej dochodzi do dyskryminacji i ataków.
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Many and from many angles have discussed the history of the Transylvanian Jewry. Yet the matter has not lost its topicality, and the possibilities of interpretation continue to be there. The paper deals with the history of the Transylvanian Jews as a history of integration, and creates a synthesis of the body of knowledge gathered until the present day in the light of that point of view, as a function of identity/ies and loyalty/ies. It covers a large time frame from the first Jews settled in the Transylvanian territory to the present-day situation. The author describes and analyses the most important events like the 1623 Edict of Prince Gabriel Bethlen (1613-1629), or the issue of the assimilation in the 19th century. The paper deals with the modern anti-Semitism, Holocaust, identity problems and with the Sionism as well. The paper makes an attempt to create a synthesis that can provide orientation in the matter for a larger audience, with only a sporadic knowledge about Transylvanian Jewry, as well as for the professionals of the field.
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The research premise addresses the question whether and how the historical politics of Germany and Austria affects the cinematic representations of Jews. Both countries are responsible for the consequences of World War II, but they have dealt with their wartime heritage differently. The dissertation investigates to what extent the assumed rhetoric of the debate on Nazism and the Holocaust shapes the cinematic representations of Jews. Also, taking into account the present situation of the Jewish minority in these countries. Selected examples from Austrian and German films make up interesting research material for comparative analysis. By stressing possible similarities and differences between the two national cinemas, it allows to capture certain patterns in presenting Jews as well as indicates their national invariants. The methodological approach draws on theories in the field of memory studies. Particular attention is directed to the question whether analysed films reproduce anti-Semitic stereotypes, or whether their approach is creative and subversive. The dissertation also reflects on the problem whether the generation of Survivors and their descendants are presented in the same way, or whether their cinematic images are constructed in relation to the same or different stereotypes: the Jew as the Other, or the Jew as a Victim?
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The author of the article focuses on the issue of anti-Semitism in Roman Dmowski’s publications, with particular attention paid to his novel Legacy. In the following steps of the analysis, the author describes the National Democracy ideologist’s attitude towards Jews in his official political writings and long prose pieces published under a pseudonym, showing the interdependencies between these two spheres of activity (political and artistic). The research uses mainly the tools of psychoanalysis and gender studies.
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Creating performances for the celebration of important events is not a modern invention, but it is an extremely interesting phenomenon due to the ability to respond to the needs of given times, the range of impact (territorial and reception), and usually a short operating time. The fiftieth anniversary of March 1968 was full of performances dealing with the emigration of Polish citizens of Jewish origin who were forced to leave by launching an anti-Semitic campaign. In my paper, I will analyze the dramaturgy of three performances: “A Few Foreign Words in Polish” directed by Anna Smolar with a text by Michał Buszewicz created for a specific production, Michał Zadara's “Justice” as a theatrical investigation into a crime involving “King Oedipus” by Sophocles and “Notes from exile” directed by Magda Umer and adapted from a book by Sabina Baral. Despite the common starting point, which is the theme of the events of March 1968, the aforementioned performances are characterized by a different approach to both the undertaken problem and dramatic solutions. The main concept of the paper is "postmemory", that is the structure of the transfer of trauma between generations, and its subsequent redefinitions. An important issue will also be examining the relationship between memory and history, the function of photography and the principles of building a postmemory archive.
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