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Jews were given a guarantee of equality by the Emancipation Act no. XVII/1867, which meant the same role for them like for all other citizens of Europe: to fulfil civil obligations and be loyal to the Hungarian statehood and the crown. They had to stop operating as a separate unit, that is, they had to suppress through reforms the cultural and ethnic particularities that distinguished them from the rest of the population and, consequently, to blend in with the majority, keeping their own religion at the most. Assimilation was intended as the consequence of emancipation and, in fact, its fulfilment. Such a liberal model, based on the Enlightenment ideals of the French Revolution, was in place everywhere in Western Europe. In the Hungarian intentions the assimilation had to take place toward the dominant ethnic Hungarian (Magyar) culture in order to strengthen its tenuous position within the boundaries of the historic Kingdom of Hungary, or, in other words, to increase at least statistically the number of ethnic Hungarians compared to other “nationalities”. In the beginning of the 20th century, Jews in Hungary amounted to about 6 % of the total population, which was a really high number compared with 1 % in Germany. The assimilation process in Hungary took place much faster than in Western Europe, or in less time, generally between the Compromise and World War I, and was most evident in the area of language. The difference was also in the fact that while the assimilation took place in the West in strong national cultures and modern economies, in Hungary it unrolled in generally less developed economic, cultural and political conditions.
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Politika antisemitizmu na Slovensku sa spája predovšetkým s obdobím slovenského štátu. Výskum najmä po roku 1989 ukázal, že už v období autonómie Slovenska od 6. októbra 1938 do 14. marca 1939 politickí predstavitelia Hlinkovej slovenskej ľudovej strany (HSĽS) položili základy antisemitskej politiky vrátane prvých deportácií.
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Ochrana národnostných a rasových menšín, zakotvená vo versaillských mierových zmluvách a vzťahujúca sa i na Nemecko, nielenže v tejto krajine od roku 1933 prestala platiť, ale do popredia sa dostal nový fenomén – úplné popretie rovnosti človeka pred zákonom, predovšetkým na základe rasového princípu. Pri transformácii demokratického politického systému na nový – totalitný – došlo teda v chápaní vzťahu politiky a práva k zásadným zmenám. Nemeckí národní socialisti, vychádzajúc z ideologických zásad Hitlerovho Mein Kampf presadili názor, že zákony nepomôžu, dôležitejšia je vraj „instinktivně cítěná potřeba německého národa“. V týchto intenciách vyhlásil roku 1933 poslanec ríšskeho snemu za NSDAP Dr. Freisler: „Co pak tu záleží na nějakém rozhodnutí státního dvora! Pryč se směšnou posvátností paragrafů! Národ přece neobětuje vlastní život pro pár paragrafů.“ Pre tých, ktorým totalitná ideológia imponovala, to znamenalo prekročenie morálneho Rubikonu. „Podle nacistické theorie je zákon toliko zbraní v politickém boji. Kerrl, státní úředník, který se stal ministrem spravedlnosti v Prusku, tvrdil v prvních dnech revoluce, že se zákon musí zbavit posedlosti ‘mrtvou objektivností’, tohoto žalostného dědictví liberalismu. Hitler tento názor schválil.“
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The unparalled military intervention on July 6, 1944 by Colonel Ferenc Koszorus and the Hungarian First Armored Division under his command foiled a coup-like action planned by State Secretary Laszlo Baky. Backed by thousands of gendarmerie, Baky was poisd to deport approximately 250,000 Jews, including refugees, living in Budapest to the Nazi German death camps. A few debate as to who should be deemed primarily res-ponsible for the so-called Koszorus „action”. Should it be the Regent Ad-miral Miklos Horthy, who ordered the First Armored Division into action, or Colonel Koszorús, who after volunteering his services and requesting an order to block Baky, successfully carried out the order. Nonetheless, it is beyond dispute that this casualty-free military operation in German oc-cupied Hungary resulted in the survival of thousands.The article written by Géza Gecse describes the tragic situation in oc-cupied Hungary in 1944. He also sheds light on incontrovertible facts de-monstrating that consistent with their duty of loyalty, there were patriotic and humanitarian Hungarian soldiers who were prepared to act at great danger to themselves even in this dark and perilous time.
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Agota Kristof (1935–2011) was an internationally recognized writer: she was among the most famous Hungarian intellectuals of her time. Despite her reputation abroad, she received much less attention in her home country. Her life story displays her central European identity. How? The goal of the present study is to answer this question. Kristof left Hungary in 1956 as one of the 200,000 refugees who fled from the Soviet invasion af-ter the fall of the revolution. She settled down in Switzerland where she could not fashion herself in a literary career, but worked in a watch facto-ry for years. She made a name for herself after publishing a novel, The Notebook in 1986. The story reflected on her childhood in Kőszeg, a small town in western Hungary, although it was not an autobiography. It was a story, written in French by a Hungarian writer who used very simplified language to evoke the atmosphere of an overly cruel world during WWII. This world was cruel in the public sector as well as in private life. Where does this extraordinary brutality come from? What distresses Kristof ex-perienced as a child which are echoed in the novel?
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MIXER, Olivera Milosavljević: Slučaj profesora Blumentala; CEMENT, Dragoljub Stanković: Lakoća providnog; ARMATURA, Srđan Nastasijević: Umri muški u Zemunu, Saša Ćirić: Kosovo - kretenski triangl; VREME SMRTI I RAZONODE, Tomislav Marković: Simpathy for the Amfilohije; BULEVAR ZVEZDA, POPOVIĆ PERIŠIĆ, Nada; BLOK BR. V, Kosmoplovci: Idemo dalje
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Grounded on Giorgio Agamben's assertion that once the historical, technical and legal context of the Jewish genocide has been sufficiently clarified, we are facing a serious challenge when we really seek to understand it and becomes more thought-provoking when we try to represent it. The difference between what we know about the Holocaust and how this delicate issue should be represented is facing major challenges in the context of content abundance on both Holocaust classical analyses or contemporary digital formats.Contemporary society is facing ethical and emotional limitation regarding Holocaust representation. What is the right way to represent the Holocaust after eight decades since the Holocaust took place is one of the relevant questions that arises in this context? How to live, what to do, and how do the consequences of my actions affect society after the Holocaust experience,are some of the quests of Elie Wiesel’s life. The paper will highlight how his storytelling provides some guidelines for shaping a possible good way of representing the Holocaust and what are its resources. It will also illustrate what are the ethical components of his storytelling that constitute an example of ethical conduct and give some relevant suggestions on how to instrument them in order to place Holocaust representation on a progressive way of reflection.
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Prošlog četvrtka, kada je dopisnicima iz Kijeva već ponestalo jezivih opisa za sukobe na Majdanu posle 18. februara, koji je samo nakratko važio za najkrvaviji dan u istoriji nezavisne Ukrajine – dopisnici iz Silicijumske doline javili su da je Jan Kum preko noći postao milijarder. Ukrajinski Jevrejin koji je 1992. sa mamom i bakom, jer za očevu kartu nije bilo para, otišao iz neke blatnjave selendrice kod Kijeva čim je postalo moguće napustiti istočni lager, Kum je ugovor onaj vrednijoj akviziciji startap projekta u istoriji internet industrije potpisao na vratima socijalne službe u Kaliforniji, pred kojim je godinama stajao u redu za bonove za hranu.
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Ovih dana i ja, kao i mnogi drugi, razmišljam o Ukrajini. Posebno o tome kako njima, građanima (sic!) Ukrajine, polazi za rukom nešto na čemu im mnogi građani Rusije zavide. Njima već danima uspeva da masovno i uporno brane svoje građansko dostojanstvo, potvrđuju svoju građanski odgovornost i svoju društvenu zrelost.
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Ultraortodoksna zajednica (haredim) oduvek izaziva žestoke kritike sekularnih izraelskih građana. Njihova različitost, zatvorenost, njihovi neobični običaji i vođe koji mumlaju molitve, staromodna odeća, odnos prema ženama, odbijanje da rade i služe vojni rok (ne daj bože!), to što njihova deca uče po odvojenom školskom programu – sve to neprekidno doliva ulje na vatru. Mržnja prema njima je slepa, preterana i neprikladna. Ponekad se graniči sa antisemitizmom. Reči koje se izgovaraju protiv njih su ružne i nepristojne, među najgorima koje se čuju u javnom prostoru.
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The Romanian Section of the World Jewish Congress (henceforth: WJC) conducted a national survey among the Jewish survivors of the Holocaust in 1946. The objective of the survey was to assess the human and material losses and record the grievances suffered by the surviving Jewish population. In addition to this the statistical data gathered was intended to serve as a basis during the negotiations of the Peace conference ending World War II and for compensation claim. This study analyses the survey and its results regarding three towns from Northern Transylvania (Cluj, Carei and Oradea) which belonged to Hungary during the Holocaust period.
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The research premise addresses the question whether and how the historical politics of Germany and Austria affects the cinematic representations of Jews. Both countries are responsible for the consequences of World War II, but they have dealt with their wartime heritage differently. The dissertation investigates to what extent the assumed rhetoric of the debate on Nazism and the Holocaust shapes the cinematic representations of Jews. Also, taking into account the present situation of the Jewish minority in these countries. Selected examples from Austrian and German films make up interesting research material for comparative analysis. By stressing possible similarities and differences between the two national cinemas, it allows to capture certain patterns in presenting Jews as well as indicates their national invariants. The methodological approach draws on theories in the field of memory studies. Particular attention is directed to the question whether analysed films reproduce anti-Semitic stereotypes, or whether their approach is creative and subversive. The dissertation also reflects on the problem whether the generation of Survivors and their descendants are presented in the same way, or whether their cinematic images are constructed in relation to the same or different stereotypes: the Jew as the Other, or the Jew as a Victim?
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The author of the article focuses on the issue of anti-Semitism in Roman Dmowski’s publications, with particular attention paid to his novel Legacy. In the following steps of the analysis, the author describes the National Democracy ideologist’s attitude towards Jews in his official political writings and long prose pieces published under a pseudonym, showing the interdependencies between these two spheres of activity (political and artistic). The research uses mainly the tools of psychoanalysis and gender studies.
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Mitteleuropa se naște sub semnul revizionismului. Se vor granițe noi, în numele unor criterii rasiale culminante la Auschwitz. De altfel, subliniază preopinenții lui Kundera (studiul său a stârnit nu doar aplauze furtunoase, ci și furtuni polemice), e corect să scriem că Mitteleuropa are, de fapt, două centre : Viena culturii și Auschwitz-ul asasinatului. Cei care privesc cu circumspecție termenul nu uită să evoce anii de formare ai lui Hitler, într-o Vienă antisemită. Mitul Vienei paradisiace este subminat de un altul, cel puțin la fel de viguros : acela al orașului infernal, aflat sub întreitul blestem al antisemitismului, al Casei imperiale degenerate și al kitsch-ului.
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Besides the introductory notes on the position of the Jews and anti-Semitism in Russia, Germany and Hungary, the article deals with two sermons delivered by the Chief Rabbi of Zagreb, Dr Hosea Jacobi, on the celebration of Hanukah in November 1883 and on the occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary of his rabbinic ministry in Zagreb on 14 January 1893. Regarding the first sermon, particularly interesting are the impressions overwhelming him while, for the first time, preaching in the synagogue in Croatian language. In the second sermon, he emphasized that Croatia is an example of a country in which Jews live peacefully and may develop their cultural, economic and religious potentials, in which they are spared of anti-Semitic assaults and hatred, to which they are exposed in many other countries. Both sermons are important as sources for the research of Croato-Jewish relations in the nineteenth century.
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