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The researcher conducted semi-structured audio-recorded interviews of 13 mothers and expectant mothers who had migrated to Spain from Latin America. Qualitative analysis revealed several themes, including Challenges in Spain and Opportunities in Spain. Challenges were of three main types: personal and relationship challenges, economic challenges, and perceived racism and stereotyping. Opportunities were also of three primary types: future opportunities for the Latinas’ children, increased safety, and greater personal independence. None of the women mentioned the possibility of returning to their country of origin, suggesting that perceived opportunities in Spain outweighed the challenges they faced. The findings are considered from the perspective of the empowerment of immigrant Latina mothers in Spain. While interview responses gave little evidence of economic, educational, social, or political empowerment, they did suggest that the women demonstrated considerable psychological empowerment, including resilience, perseverance, and determination to move forward despite challenges.
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International migration into Hungary is markedly differentiated into two levels: the global migration effect, and the processes flowing between Hungary and its neighbouring countries, which date back a long time. The main characteristic of international migration in Hungary is that the largest part of the immigrant population is of Hungarian nationality. Population movements in the late 1980s and early 1990s made it clear that the demographic processes taking place in the Hungarian linguistic community – despite the fragmentation occurring in 1918, and the nearly 100 year old ‘distributed development’ – can only fully understood if we examine them together, as a single process. It is important to recognise that demographic processes within and outside of the current border are similar in nature. All that is happening in Hungary is only part of the demographic processes of the Hungarian language community. The migration processes described in the paper would have a significant impact on the ethnic spatial structure of the Hungarians in the Carpathian Basin if the number of other ethnicities did not decrease similarly. Strengthening the numbers of people staying in their home country, increasing the number of return migrations and the fertility rates of local Hungarians could all be part a solution to the problem.
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After a six-year long student agitation led by All Assam Students' Union (AASU) the Government of India signed an Assam Accord on 15th August 1985 which ensured to initiate the process of identification of illegal immigrants and their subsequent deportation from India. In order to give effect to this task, the National Register of Citizens needed to be updated. However even after thrity years the clauses of the Accord was not implemented in letter and spirit bringing about much social turmoil that saw the death of hundreds and thousands of ill fated victims. Sangeeta Barooah Pisharoty through her work explores the entire history that exposes the failure of the government machinaries, the malafide intention of the various political parties and the suffering of the Assamese people. This review analyses threadbare the variuos dimensions that the books opens up
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The Netherlands is a relatively new, attractive, but less researched destination for Central East European migrants, who compete on the Dutch labor market with more established migrant groups. Relying on data from the European Social Survey, the present article addresses the following questions: What is the employment status of CEE migrants in the Netherlands? How likely is it that CEE migrants will be satisfied with their income in the Netherlands? Does the region of origin influence the likelihood of having a comfortable income in the Netherlands? To this end, the article compares CEE migrants with the dominant migrant groups found in the Netherlands. Findings show that CEE migrants are likely to be satisfied with their income levels in their new host country. Education levels but also region of origin have an impact on the likelihood of living comfortably with the current income level.
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Over the last three decades of the 20thcentury, Greece was transformed from an emigration into an immigration country and, more recently, into a country combining emigration and immigration. Initially, immigration from the ‘Balkans’ was at the heart of the country’s migration debates. However, since the early 2000s, migration inflows have been highly differentiated, and the numbers have increased for both Asian and African migrants. During the era of austerity, Bangladeshis have followed diverse employment pathways and spatial trajectories. Their so-called ‘constellations of (im)mobility’ cover an array of socio-spatial mobility patterns, ranging from being entrapped in precarious jobs to gaining access to/ striving towards more prestigious occupational positions (self-employed occupations).Drawing on recent empirical research, this paper seeks to explore the multidimensional precarity of Bangladeshi migrants living in Greek urban and rural areas. Given the dynamic interplay between macro-and micro-level processes, it also discusses aspects of agency along with practices and strategies for improving the well-being of Bangladeshi migrants in the host society.
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The subject of analyses of this paper will be the integration of Macedonians from Aegean part of Macedonia that in several waves in the course of 20th century settled in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and then the Peoples Republic/Socialist Republic of Macedonia. Firstly, mainly in the region of Strumica, were settled part of the Macedonians that as result of the Balkan Wars left their homes in Greece – ‘bežanci’. Then, in couple of phases, from Greece were settled Macedonians during the Second World War, as well as during and after the Civil war in Greece – ‘egejci’. The main idea of the paper is to argue that besides the cultural closeness, the language and ethnic similarities, the social integration of the newcomers was rough, long and not an easy process. In this text are used data frоm the original research with direct participants of these events or their descendants.
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Migration is an important phenomenon that changes the population structure of the regions. The fact that individuals leave their familiar living environment and cultural environment and move to regions they are not accustomed to creates an impact on society. When evaluated in terms of society, many effects of migration are listed, directly or indirectly. For this reason, many studies have been conducted on the causes, results and direction of migration from the 19th century to the present. Regional migration data for Turkey in this study that investigated the impact of migration between provinces distribution based on economic and demographic variables were studied to determine. It is believed that spatial analysis makes more accurate determinations within the boundaries of the geographical area characterized by spatial connections. Therefore, spatial autoregressive, spatial error and spatial Durbin models were preferred and estimated by maximum likelihood (ML) method. According to the findings, the change in the labour force, infant mortality rate and the number of students in a province may have an effect on net migration. In addition, it was determined that the number of students affects the net migration figures in the neighbourhood of the province.
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The article traces the ways in which refugees in precarious legal and economic circumstances in Lagers (refugee camps) in Germany participate in informal practices to reverse their displaced positions. More specifically, the paper demonstrates how refugees work in conjunction with a Berlin-based solidarity group in order to find access to informally organized housing outside of the formal bureaucratic state system. The study shows that refugees’ engagement with informal structures must be understood as struggles towards emplacement and formality. Much scholarship has discussed the economic aspects of informality in the global South and post-socialist countries. However, there is little discussion on how refugees may engage in informal practices within the nation-state in order to find emplacement and achieve formality. The article additionally demonstrates how informal acts are co-produced between citizens and refugees in the process of searching and offering of living places outside state defined formal systems. Thus, informality needs to be understood as resistance against displacement, struggles towards emplacement and formality. The study draws on ethnographic data and on-going participation in a Berlin-based grassroots group, Schlafplatzorga, which supports refugees on an informal level with temporary accommodation.
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This article unpacks the status and significance of informal social infrastructures within the Syrian Vulnerable Person’s Resettlement Scheme (SVPRS) in one region of the UK to offer a case study exemplifying an enduring and renewed political embeddedness of informalities as an idiosyncratically British way of governing migrant incorporation and producing social order. From the perspective of the scheme’s formal design, this was ‘bottom-up’, ‘community-led’ activity for community or ‘social’ integration. For refugees this was the existence and availability of a quality of sociality productive of a sense of existence and a viable and possible life, in other words, defining – above and beyond discrete domains or material things - what had been hoped for and expected from resettlement. Where this ‘informal social infrastructure’ was available, refugees conveyed an experience of positive processes of life, resonating with discussions of existential movement. Where unavailable refugees conveyed experience of a persistent or even worsened sense of biographical interruption that forced migration has been likened to. The article aims to contribute to informalities scholarship in relation to the imbrication of informal-formal as means of governance and attest to the significance of informalities to the reduction of uncertainty, production of stability, in other words means by which informalities help constitute and reproduce the social and cultural world. That the scheme includes any informal element is somewhat uncanny amidst a converging restrictive turn and considering formal rejection of laissez faire ‘multiculturalism’. The article concludes that experience of refugees in the absence of informal social infrastructures must not be read as a straightforward critique that might call for further formal components. Rather, it is a critique that emphasises the importance of informalities within formal design and analysis of the wider factors that hinder or promote their availability.
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The article proposes a theoretical discussion at the crossroads of the return migration scholarship with the entrepreneurship research. Its main goal is to build an analytical framework in which entrepreneurial experiences of international return migrants are conceptualized. The fertile theoretical legacy within the study of entrepreneurship along with an idealized view of the positive effects of migration constitute essential premises for understanding the biased outputs of the empirical studies of entrepreneurship upon return to the origin country. Firstly, the article draws on the main lines of theorising opportunities within the Weberian and Schumpeterian theoretical traditions. Secondly, it points out how contemporary studies of entrepreneurship reinforced this perspective and placed great emphasis on individual agents able to benefit from opportunities within the return context. The final part of the paper illustrates several modalities in which scholars concerned with return migration were affected by the mythical image of the entrepreneur. As a corollary, necessity entrepreneurship is sporadically used in this niche of study and it usually has only a complementary role. The paper contributes to a deeper understanding of the challenges of transposing entrepreneurship’ theoretical insights into different empirical research designs.
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Drawing on interviews with key informants and seasonal workers in Germany, Spain, Italy, Austria and the UK, and on non-participant ethnographies, this paper demonstrates that, despite various limitations associated with work in the agriculture sector, migrants strategically choose the times and destinations of their trips abroad, taking into account a variety of factors, including family commitments, economic goals at the origin, wages and working conditions, health issues and welfare opportunities. The findings illustrate that, depending on their commitments and economic objectives, Romanians who work in agriculture develop different mobility practices. While some work abroad only occasionally, when they need to supplement their home-country income, others engage in circular migration or extend the periods of time they spend abroad. In host countries, most workers try out various jobs and typically get involved in repeated migration once they have found a suitable arrangement. Some workers combine seasonal work in one or more countries of destination, over the course of the same year, with the aim of securing income for longer periods of time, while others opt for long-term migration or move into sectors that offer better opportunities.
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The COVID-19 pandemic brought into focus how nation-states manage to shut down borders while maintaining flexible labor recruitment. This challenging situation provoked more public discussion around inequalities within the agricultural and agrifood sector. However, reflections around labor conditions have remained limited. I argue that instead of merely pointing to certain aspects of the current labor conditions and demanding more regulations, a different point of departure is urgently needed. Through a genealogical approach to recruitment and rotation, this article aims to further politicize the discussion around the current recruitment infrastructure in the agricultural and agrifood sectors in Europe. I do this with my research on labor migration from Moldova to the European Union and Switzerland, where I consider the hypermobile life trajectories of workers within the agricultural sector. I am interested in the structures, goals and biopolitical implications as well as the involved ideologies that accompany the laws and regulations of the legal framework of such hypermobility between “Eastern” and “Western” Europe. I show how the involved citizenship laws and circular migration policies reveal entanglements through time and space that lead to neocolonial and post-Soviet regimes of labor control within Europe.
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The paper puts the food regime model, as elaborated by scholars such as Harriet Friedmann and Philip McMichael, into articulation with the analysis of migration/border regimes, as proposed by critical migration scholars. If by now it is well established that the policies that regulate the mobility of migrant labour play a crucial role in enabling capitalist accumulation in contemporary global agriculture, few analyses have delved into the actual mechanisms which make this possible, and into their histories. The argument is developed by reference to the Italian case, showing how subsequent waves of substitution of Italian labourers with migrants, that began in the 1980s, have followed different patterns. It argues that these can be understood by reading them against the grain of the changes accruing in the transnational migration regime. Thus, precarisation and segmentation of the labour force in the farming sector are shown to have been actively fostered by policies which have made of undocumented or differentially included labour one of the pillars upon which globally integrated food production has relied for the past three decades. Whilst based on national-scale statistics and secondary literature, the analysis also builds upon a sustained presence and engaged participant research in some of the Italian agroindustrial enclaves that record the highest presence of migrant labour.
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In recent times, the win-win outcomes of circular migration for all the involved stakeholders have come under a thorough academic focus and have increased in social-political importance for both the host and home countries, not to mention the migrants themselves. Given the inherent importance of the issue for countries’ public policies, it comes as no surprise that attention is often paid to the intrinsic pros and cons for both host and home societies. What might ponder, however, is the fact that the main actors of this process, the circular migrants, gain rather limited attention or scrutiny. The main aim of this article is therefore to unveil what actually happens with circular immigrants in the host countries, and which pattern – integration or marginalization – shapes their destiny in the host society. This question will be investigated through a case study of Ukrainian immigrants in Spain. The outcomes of this applied research into the sociology of the circular migration demonstrate that both concepts are not mutually exclusive, and do not fundamentally preclude integration.
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