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The historiography of the Bosnian genocide of 1992–1995 in the work of foreign scholars

Author(s): Marko Attila Hoare / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This essay will provide an introductory discussion of the historiography of the Bosnian genocide of 1992–1995 in the works of foreign scholars. The historiography is too large for this discussion to be exhaustive. We have attempted here to provide the principal categories of relevant works while citing the most important examples of them, before discussing the historiographical deficiencies and the tasks awaiting future scholars of the genocide. The reason for the dearth of monographs on the Bosnian genocide is that the subject is highly controversial, and any scholar who seriously studies it and expresses an opinion is likely to create enemies for themselves. There is a tendency of scholars to see the war in postmodernist terms, in terms of Serb, Croat and Bosniak “narratives”; as opposed to objective truth, which discourages taking the subject intellectually seriously. Furthermore, the prevailing ideology and discourse stemming from the international administration is one of reconciliation and putting the past behind us. So there is a disincentive to study the genocide in depth; a preference for studying more liberal feel-good themes related to reconciliation, memory, transitional justice and post-war reconstruction. The Bosnian genocide therefore awaits a new generation of foreign scholars to take it seriously as a subject and explore it in detail.

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Društveno-istorijski kontekst opstojnosti i razvoja države Bosne i Hercegovine u postdejtonskom vremenu

Author(s): Mirko Pejanović / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

In the approach to constitutional reforms it is necessary to assure their gradual nature. In this context, in the framework of constitutional reform, the position of the institutions of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina would be changed in the first phase, as proposed by the 2006 “April package” of amendments. This phase of constitutional reform can be implemented within the framework of negotiations on Bosnia and Herzegovina’s membership in the European Union, during the opening of the negotiation chapters. However, certainty of the process of constitutional change depends mostly on the geopolitical circumstances and geopolitical influence of the International Community, and in this context, especially the countries that are members of the Steering Board for the Peace Implementation Council responsible for the implementation of the Dayton Peace Agreement. A geopolitical framework established through the agreement of the world’s leading peace-building powers in Bosnia and Herzegovina on the basis of the Dayton Peace Agreement is necessary for change of the internal territorial organization, based on a two-entity structure. It is quite certain that a change in the internal territorial organization of Bosnia and Herzegovina will be possible at a time when Bosnia and Herzegovina finalizes the process of integration into Euro-Atlantic institutions. In its gradual nature, the second phase of constitutional change will encompass the change in the territorial internal organization of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This change will aim to abolish the ethnic territorialization derived from the two-entity model. The Republika Srpska entity is ethnically homogenized because 85% of the population is Serb. The Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina is ethnically homogenized in five cantons with a majority of Bosniak people and three cantons with a majority of Croat people. This second phase of constitutional change will await for the time when Bosnia and Herzegovina is a member of the European Union and NATO. No more than three levels of government will then be able to be funded. Currently, the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina are financing: local government, cantonal government, entity and state government.

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Historiografija o Bosni i Hercegovini u bosanskohercegovačkim udžbenicima historije (2000–2017)

Author(s): Melisa Forić Plasto / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

This paper presents an analysis of the history textbooks published and used in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period 2000–2017 in order to answer how the results of historiographic research on Bosnia and Herzegovina have been incorporated into textbooks content. Considering that the textbook in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as in most European countries, continues to serve as a basic teaching tool in history teaching, and in some ways represents a canonized knowledge, an official version of the past that is recommended or better created by national authorities an attempt was made to look at what historiographical reflections on Bosnia and Herzegovina were given in them. The specificity of textbook and educational policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina is reflected in the deep division on the ethnonational principle and the additional fragmentation caused by the administrative organization of Bosnia and Herzegovina after the Dayton Agreement. Instead of a unique historiography on Bosnia and Herzegovina, we come across different approaches in the textbooks. In some of them, information on the past of Bosnia and Herzegovina is rather modest or almost omitted, and emphasis is given to the history of the neighboring countries of Serbia or Croatia or of the Serbian or Croat people. The paper seeks to see what kind of message the past has sent to textbook generations through their education and the role it plays in the future of this country. In examining how the historiography of Bosnia and Herzegovina is contained in the textbooks, based on the analyzed 32 history textbook, we find only a partial answer, which is primarily caused by the different interpretation of national history by the three curricula for which the textbooks were designed. Thus, in Serbian language textbooks, national history is primarily presented as the history of Serbia and Serbs, and partly of Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Similar is the practice in Croatian textbooks, dominated by the history of Croatia and Croats, while there is very little mention of Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Teaching units related to Bosnia and Herzegovina are represented by 10–20% of the total material and presented with only a few lessons.

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Bosna i Hercegovina u udžbenicima historije u Republici Sjevernoj Makedoniji

Author(s): Zećir Ramčilović / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

The Republic of North Macedonia has undergone a turbulent period since its independence. This is a period in which education, and especially History as a subject, has also undergone significant changes in content. First it strengthened ethnocentrism, patriotism and national romanticism, in which the Macedonian people were the bearers of all the processes of origin and development of the state, but also of civilizational processes and movements significant for the whole world. In defence of the Macedonian national identity, Albanians, Turks, Bosniaks, Serbs, Roma and other peoples who live with the Macedonian people and whose homeland, same as for the Macedonians, is the NR Macedonia, regardless of their national or religious affiliation, were often marginalized. NR Macedonia is therefore making efforts to disperse teaching content that creates divisions and prejudices. That is why the curricula today envisage the study of the history of the Macedonian people, as well as the histories of the constituent peoples and their countries of origin in proportion to their percentage share in the total population. Bosniaks are the constituent people of the Republic of North Macedonia and their home country is Bosnia and Herzegovina. This implies that the content on Bosnia and Herzegovina and Bosniaks is represented in textbooks. Not only because of the constitutionality and importance of Bosniaks in the construction and development of the state and society, but also because of the many common centuries-old historical processes, the common states of which they were part of from the 15th to the end of the 20th century. It is very important that the content on Bosnia and Herzegovina and Bosniaks be represented and properly presented to the young population. In legal terms, formal prerequisites for the development of textbooks, for the most part, provide a good basis for writing quality textbooks that will represent the histories of all peoples and their role for NR Macedonia, as well as better mutual understanding. However, the situation is not as simple as it may seem at first glance, despite all the legal bases and criteria for textbook development. Instead of striking a balance between the history of the Macedonians and the history of other peoples, the textbooks have been reduced to achieving the balance between the history of the Macedonians and Albanians, giving a binational history in the textbooks. These differences are less pronounced in the lower grades, where study of general history is dominant. In higher primary school grades and during the four years of secondary education these differences are more than obvious. In addition to the general history studied throughout the world, Macedonian and Albanian histories are dominant. Then the histories of the other neighbours – Serbia, Bulgaria and Greece, as well as the history of Turkey and the Turkish people because of the common historical processes and constitutionality of the Turkish people.

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Izborni sistem BiH i etnicizacija bosanskohercegovačkog političkog prostora

Author(s): Elma Huruz Memović / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

The concept of “constituent peoples” has passed through a fundamental transformation and over time has become a goal rather than a means. It has become “the very essence of the state and society in Bosnia and Herzegovina” and its significance is such that it obscures its obvious “contradiction with the principle of non-discrimination in the exercise of human rights ...” (Nadaždin Defterdarević, 2014: 84). Since the ethnic declaration is insisted on, a large space is open for manipulating this category. Although the European Court of Human Rights emphasized in its judgments that in the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as in the Election Law there is discrimination against members of national minorities, ie those who do not declare themselves as citizens, these judgments have never been implemented. It is still impossible for the above categories of the population to run for certain political positions, and it can even be said that new tendencies are emerging in the public space to further disintegrate and ethnicize the Bosnian political space.

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Izborni zakon Bosne i Hercegovine i limiti etnonacionalne paradigme

Author(s): Pavle Mijović / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

The Election Law of Bosnia and Herzegovina is, in its specific legal form, a faithful reflection of the general principles defined by the Dayton Constitution that calcified the ethnic division of the country. The interdisciplinary approach to the constitutional determinants present in the election law also shows clear features of the political consciousness that brought it about. The first part of the article tries to reconstruct the dominant political and social idea behind the election law. The Election Law of Bosnia and Herzegovina is an example of unfinished constitutional and state architecture, especially in the form of unfinished ethno-national fixism and related human rights issues. The ethno-national paradigm, evident since the first multi-party elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina, emphasized ethnic grouping more than the electoral process itself. The concept of “statistical nationalization” will be analyzed as well. The second part of the article confronts the dominant idea of the election law of Bosnia and Herzegovina with certain aspects of political theory. The constitutional category of constituents is privileged over the category of “Others”, which is a brutal example of discriminatory practice, which, as expected, is not in line with any normative document related to human rights. Even from an ethno-national perspective, the said Election Law is incomplete. Furthermore, the inherent limits of the consociational framework were analyzed. The third part of the article analyzes the limitations of ethno-partitocracy, showing that in one such system, the individual perspective is almost non-existent. The outlines of critical theory indicate the necessity of the alteration of certain social realities and the creation of a social model sensitive to diversity but directed towards the developed democratic achievements.

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Kratka istorija konstitutivnosti u BiH

Author(s): Žarko Papić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

The equality of Bosniaks, Croats and Serbs and citizens is the basis of Bosnia and Herzegovina, their common and indivisible homeland. National equality is the realization of collective human rights. Constitutivity is the constitutional mechanism by which it is realized. There is no majority and minority nor re-vote but an agreement is needed. Constitutional mechanisms to ensure constitutivity must be modified. This will prevent the blockage of institutions. Abolition of constitutivity and so-called civic principle of „one man one vote“ destabilizes the country.

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„Rekonkvista Stare Srbije“: o kontinuitetu teritorijalne i demografske politike na Kosovu

Author(s): Vladan Z. Jovanović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Since the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, Serbia used to be focused on the political status of its territorial gains (Kosovo, Macedonia, Sandzak), rather than on the social reality in these areas. The very reputation of the Serbian army, which occupied/liberated Kosovo in 1912, induced distrust of non-Slavic population towards the new state. Serbian military attempt to reach the Adriatic via northern parts of Albania (1912/13), as well as the treatment of Albanian civilians during these actions largely compromised the international reception of Serbian ‘liberation intentions’. That is one of the reasons why the Serb-Albanian conflict was difficult to be channelled during the first Yugoslav state. Instead of focusing on how to basically modernize the almost feudal society in its ‘Southern province’, the new government resorted to the territorial and demographic re-composition of the area, which was wedged between the myths of autochthonous people and the claims for ethnic and historical rights. It soon became clear that the ‘Albanian national question’ could not have been solved by inventing the ‘historical provinces’, nor by splitting Kosovo into three territorial units. Following the idea of ‘balancing’ the ethnic composition of Kosovo in favor of the Serbs, the Yugoslav kingdom acceded to the controversial project of agrarian reform and colonization, which resulted in settling 20,000 families in 1000 colonies throughout the ‘southern regions’. At the same time, Belgrade regime ‘offered’ an institutional framework for chaotic Muslim exodus (initialised after the Great Eastern Crisis), which elaborated practical ideas about emigration of ’disloyal’ Albanians. In order to colonize its eastern area, Turkey was ready to receive 200,000 Yugoslavs of ‘Turkish culture’, which was stipulated by the Yugoslav-Turkish Convention in 1938. The absurdity of territorial and demographic experiments came to the fore during the Second World War, when Kosovo fell under several various occupying regimes. An urgent request of German commander for Southeast to immediately stop the emigration of the Serbs ‘because it was bringing Kosovo to the brink of an anarchy’, ironically demystifies the very nature of demographic solutions resorted to since 1912, even after the creation of socialist Yugoslavia. After the establishment of military rule in Kosovo in early 1945, which very much resembled the early-1920s, the Communist authorities revised the interwar colonization, returning to the Albanian owners one-fifth of land, seized by the Yugoslav monarchist regime. However, dissatisfaction with the situation in Kosovo was still evident among its population, which triggered new migratory waves to Turkey. According to their volume, they far exceeded the pre-war Muslim emigration. The Yugoslav state was active in supporting the process of expatriation of Albanians as in previous times. The spiral of alternate demographic shifts and continuous administrative-territorial redefinition of space did not have positive effects on social cohesion in Kosovo.

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Novine u državnoj i nacionalnoj službi

Author(s): Agron Bajrami / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

In this article I analyze the reporting of two daily newspapers, one Serbian (Politika) and the other one Albanian (Rilindja), in the context of a historical dispute between the Serbs and Albanians. The article focuses on the ways that these nations were represented in these newspapers in the early twentieth century, at the time of the Balkan wars, Albanian independence and the First World War, and towards the end of that century, during the late 1980s and early 1990s and the dissolution of the socialist Yugoslavia. The study is limited to the analysis of the reporting in the Belgrade-based newspaper Politika at the time of the declaration of independence of Albania (1912), prior to the establishment of newspaper in Kosovo in Albanian language, as well as on the reporting of Politika and Prishtina-based Rilindja in September 1987, during a crisis caused by the death of five soldiers at the Yugoslav Army fort in the town of Paraćin in Central Serbia. Taking into consideration an abundance of historical arguments about a peaceful of Serbs and Albanians in the Balkans, I infer that one-sided journalism full of prejudices, stereotypes and even racism (Rilindja) was one of the crucial factors in creating negative attitudes towards „the Other“. I also conclude that such reporting apparently aided in creating a rift between the two nations, and therefore claim that promoting a different kind of journalism, led by professional standards and best practices instead of stereotypes, prejudices or political benefits, would have great role in bridging this rift.

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Srpsko-albanski odnosi u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji: protesti na Kosovu i teret sistemske legitimizacije

Author(s): Marjan Ivković ,Tamara Petrović Trifunović,Srđan Prodanović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

In this paper we examine to which extent was egalitarian vocabulary of Yugoslav socialism able to provide an alternative framework for interpretation of Serbian-Albanian relations. Our initial hypothesis is that – due to the experimental nature of Yugoslav self-management socialism, which implied certain compromises with liberal capitalism – the Yugoslav elite was structurally bound to systematically negate the social aspect of protests that took place in Kosovo in 1968, 1981 and 1988. Using critical discourse analysis on daily newspapers (Politika, Večernje novosti and Borba), we show how the nomenclature treated the complex social-political aspects of the social uprisings exclusively as a manifestation of nationalism. To the actors involved, this discursive strategy suggested that nationalism is a common denominator for economic, political and ethnic equality. Final consequences of these discursive strategies will be shown through analysis of media coverage of protests in Kosovo and the “Brotherhood and Unity” meeting that took place Belgrade in 1988, wherein we can see that there is little space left for non-nationalistic interpretation of any kind of social uprising, both in media and actors’ perspective.

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Albanci i srpsko-albanski odnosi u srpskim udžbenicima (1887-1987)

Author(s): Aleksandra Ilić Rajković / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The paper represents an attempt to overview the dynamics of the development of ideas about the Albanians and Serbian-Albanian relations in Serbian textbooks since the 1880s to the 1980s. The subjects of analysis were history and geography textbooks for both elementary and high school. Several topics were taken into consideration: Slovenian migrations to Balkans, Stara Srbija, First Balkan war, Second World War and The Resolution of the Communist Information Bureau (Informbiro). The paper shows that the data framed by these topics was insufficient for students to build up clear reflections based on a critique of the presentation of neighbors and to understand the relations between the two countries. The contents of the textbooks were in the function of the ruling political discourse, and the topics which surpassed their areas of interest were not considered valuable. For this reason contents which would enable better understanding of the other side, its contexts and their circumstances, were put aside. The paper thus points to the multiple questions which were elaborated incompletely, or were thematically neglected. This leads to a conclusion that the ignorance about the “other” has been “accumulated” over the generations, which presents itself as the fertile ground for embedded prejudices and all forms of manipulation.

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Školstvo na albanskom jeziku na Kosovu i jugu Srbije (1945-2015)

Author(s): Naile Mala-Imami / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Purpose of this paper is to provide historical overview of the development of school system in Albanian language from 1945 to 2015 in Kosovo and South of Serbia, in municipalities of Presheva, Bujanovac and Medvedja. After the Second World War and establishment of socialist socio-economic relations, historical injustice against the Albanian people who did not have the right for education in their mother tongue during the Kingdom of Serbs Croats and Slovenians has been corrected. Year after year, despite numerous problems, education in Albanian language was spread systematically in primary and secondary education system while in 1960 foundations for university studies were laid down. Development in school system in Albanian language in Kosovo at all levels by 1990, despite ideological and political constraints, has had tangible results in the education of many generations of Albanians. After 1999 Kosovo has developed an independent education system while Albanians from South of Serbia partially exercise the right to treat some of topics that relate to their nation.

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Rat na Kosovu 1998-1999. u udžbenicima istorije na Kosovu i u Srbiji

Author(s): Shkëlzen Gashi / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

This article focuses on the way the most important events during the war in Kosovo (1998-1999) are presented in the primary and high history textbooks in Kosovo. The article aims to analyse the presentation of the political/military groups of Kosovo Albanians during the war, their political goals, the meetings, agreements, and collaboration of the political and military representatives of the Albanians with their Serb counterparts, and the war crimes committed by both sides. The article is divided in four parts: the peaceful and the military factions; war crimes, the Rambouillet Conference; and the NATO intervention. The primary and high history textbooks of Kosovo and Serbia, published by the Libri Shkollorpublishing house (Prishtina), and by Zavod za udžbenike (Belgrade), approved by the respective ministries of education, serve as the primary source for this article. In addition to that, works by foreign scholars, who have analysed the events in Kosovo in this period are taken into consideration with their respective arguments.

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Simbolika nemoći: intelektualci i srpsko-albanski odnosi u postjugoslovenskom kontekstu

Author(s): Gazela Pudar Draško / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

This article explores the attitudes of Serbian intellectuals in relation to Kosovo as a geographic area that gain special status and importance by being infused by symbolic meanings. The article aims at identifying and operationalizing discursive strategies through which the intellectuals use the notion of Kosovo and/or the metaphor "enemy/ the “Other“ figure“. The analysis of statements and writings of the intellectuals focuses on three seminal events of the post-Yugoslav, i.e. post-Milosević’s period, which marked the process of Kosovo independence. The events in question have are the “Kosovo pogrom“ from 2004, Kosovo declaration of independence in 2008 and the signing of the Brussels Agreement in 2013. The article should testify about the dilemmas (or the lack of thereof) among the intellectuals “by fate“ interested or provoked to publicly express their views on “the Kosovo question“ – does by being intellectual one is indebted above all to be loyal to his/her nation and to fight for its “rights“ through intellectual means, or actually to protest against the national and other euphoria and to promote universal values?

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KO ŽELI DRUGI RAT, DABOGDA MU U KUĆI BIO

Author(s): Živko Budimir / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

Interview with Živko Budimir

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NISAM PRIZNAO GENOCID U SREBRENICI

Author(s): Dragan Čavić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

Interview with Dragan Čavić

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JE LI VAS NATAŠA KANDIĆ PLAĆA?

Author(s): Dušanka Majkić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

Interview with Dušanka Majkić

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NISAM IMAO NIKAKVU OVLAST

Author(s): Stjepan Mesić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

Interview with Stjepan Mesić

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ROMANIA AS A BROTHER-IN-ARMS THROUGH FINNISH EYES IN WORLD WAR II

Author(s): Kari ALENIUS / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Very little has been relatively studied about the interaction between Finland and Romania. Most existing studies deal with the interwar period and World War II, but there is still room for complementary interpretations. This study focuses on Finns’ perceptions of Romania, especially from the perspective of brotherhood in arms between the two countries. The theme is worth exploring because, during the Second World War, both Finland and Romania considered the development of mutual relations more important than ever before. This study is based on an extensive number of original sources. The analysis shows that there were different attitudes towards Romania as a brother-in-arms, but the attitude was positive in principle. The differences are explained by the type of goals set for the future development of the relationship between Finland and Romania. It is evident that Romania was valued as a brother-in-arms by a wide range of citizens. The Finnish media and the NGOs behind it conveyed a positive image of Romania and emphasized the common interests of Finland and Romania in the ongoing war. However, the Finnish leadership was cautious about developing bilateral relations, as it considered it necessary to strike a balance between Germany and the Western powers. The brotherhood of arms was therefore not allowed to become too close.

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ZAKLJUČCI DRUGE MEĐUNARODNE NAUČNE KONFERENCIJE POSLJEDICE GENOCIDA NAD BOŠNJACIMA U SREBRENICI: SOCIJALNI, EKONOMSKI, POLITIČKI, DEMOGRAFSKI I KULTURNI RAZVOJ SREBRENICE (1995‒2022)

Author(s): Mirko Pejanović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Moralno-pravna i politička obaveza svijeta i Evropske unije i Bosne i Hercegovine jeste ne samo spriječiti buduće, civilizacijski katastrofične zločine poput genocida nad Bošnjacima u Srebrenici i oko nje nego, i prije svega, spriječiti njegovo planski aktivno i politički, medijski, kvazinaučno, sistematsko poricanje i negiranje. Tome svjedočimo danas i svih poratnih godina u Bosni i Hercegovini i njenom susjedstvu. Umjesto odgovornosti za nesprečavanje genocida, u Srbiji se i dalje veličaju ratni zločinci koji su doveli do izvršenja genocida. Upornim i neskrivenim javnim veličanjem zločina i međunarodno presuđenih ratnih zločinaca, praveći od njih nacionalne heroje s jedne, i stigmatiziranjem kritičkoga govora i priznavanja genocida od strane grupacija ili pojedinaca u njihovom javnom angažmanu na tu temu, s druge strane, ohrabruju se politike i zagovornici opetovanja genocidnog zla i njegovo javno, nekažnjeno, stadionsko i medijsko veličanje, poput transparenata tokom utakmica na kojima se zanavlja napis: Nož, žica, Srebrenica.

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