№055: From the Periphery to the Core? Central Europe and the Economic Crisis

Author(s): Anita Sobják / Language(s): English

As a new test case for the resistance of Central European economies, the Cyprus banking crisis has already renewed speculation that Slovenia could be the next Member State in need of a bail-out. While other states in the region have sounder public finances and banking sectors, each of them continues to be exposed to the on-going instabilities of the eurozone. More than four years into the economic crisis, the time is ripe for reflection on the changes that the region has undergone in this period. Principally, it can be seen that both the similarities and the differences between these economies have been brought to the surface. This, together with the future course of economic governance reform of the European Union, might further deepen intra-regional splitting in the future. Overall, however, Central Europe has a chance to improve its relative economic position in the EU in the mid to long run, as the region has weathered the crisis better than the EU average.

№034: Any Chance for Inclusive Intergovernmentalism? The Prospects for a Franco-Polish Partnership in the European Union

Author(s): Elżbieta Kaca,Krzysztof Soloch / Language(s): English

The uncertainty that is currently surrounding the EU’s political and economic future calls for new, innovative approaches to how European politics is handled. Perhaps crucially, the ongoing crisis has exposed divergences between the two most influential EU member states—France and Germany—thus creating a window of opportunity for cooperation in alignments that are either new, or which previously have not been tested in a meaningful way. The authors suggest than one of the possible avenues of cooperation would be an enhanced Franco-Polish partnership—a mutually beneficial arrangement that could provide much-needed leadership in select EU policy areas and contribute to strengthening the European project on the whole. While not necessarily a universal winning formula for the crisis-stricken EU, a closer, more focused Franco-Polish cooperation on the Common Foreign and Security Policy, the next Multiannual Financial Framework, or the future of European integration in general could serve as a testing ground for a more inclusive intergovernmental approach to EU policymaking.

№018: European Perspectives for Moldova: Challenges and Obstacles

Author(s): Anna Maria Dyner,Anita Sobják / Language(s): English

The paper pictures a broad panorama of factors that are likely to impact the future prospects of Moldova’s integration with the EU. The authors argue that Moldova’s best chance to move further down this path could depend on a favourable, if fragile, realignment among three EU member states whose interests seem to be spelled out in a sufficiently clear manner: Germany, Poland and Romania.

Euro 2012 – Ukraine’s wasted opportunity?

Author(s): Sławomir Matuszak,Tadeusz A. Olszański / Language(s): English

Ukraine saw hosting the European Football Championship as an important project in terms of image-building and modernisation from the very beginning. The country’s government assumed, during the presidency of Viktor Yushchenko and Viktor Yanukovych alike, that Euro 2012 would provide a major impulse for economic development and show that the young Ukrainian state was capable of successfully preparing one of the most important sport tournaments in the world. Although UEFA’s decision raised eyebrows both in the West and in Ukraine, after initial delays the work gained momentum and, shortly before the championship, Ukraine’s progress could be evaluated as being satisfactory at the least. As part of the preparations, four stadiums were built or modernised, four airports in the host cities were developed and 1,600 km of roads were repaired or built from the ground up. The investments have doubtlessly contributed to an improvement of the infrastructure in Ukraine, but it would be rather inaccurate to say that Euro 2012 has brought about a real modernisation of the country. The funds allocated for the preparations were relatively modest, and part of them was spent in a non-transparent way, which gives rise to suspicions of corruption.

European Neighbourhood Policy Package – Conclusions for the Eastern Partners

Author(s): Rafał Sadowski / Language(s): English

In 2011 the European Union began a process aimed at reforming its policy on the Eastern and Southern Neighbourhood. The change in circumstances in neighbouring countries following the Arab Spring, along with the lack of significant progress regarding Eastern Europe’s integration with the EU, formed the main driving force behind this process.The prime objective of the changes to the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) was the need to introduce new incentives for partner countries to modernise and integrate more closely with the EU Another aim was to increase the flexibility of EU instruments (by adapting them to the specific context of each partner state). One year later, on 15 May 2012, the European Commission and the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy published the European Neighbourhood Policy Package which reported on the progress made in the implementation of the ENP over the preceding year and set out the aims and Action Plans for 2013.

Report: V4 Trade and FDI Observer No 2

Author(s): Erich Kříž,Katalin Antaloczy,Magdolna Sass,Patryk Toporowski,Karol Frank / Language(s): English

The Polish Institute of International Affairs recommends you the report: V4 Trade and FDI Observer: Panorama of Automotive Industry prepared under the project: V4 Trade and FDI Observer, financed by the International Visegrad Fund. PISM was represented in this project by Patryk Toporowski, PISM analyst, who was responsible in substance for a section on Poland.The report is the result of work of the small team of experts from the Visegrad Group countries: the Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia and Hungary. Editor of the whole document is Tamás Szemler (ICEG European Centre). The aim of the report is the analysis of current trade and foreign direct investments in the automotive industry.

Towards a V4 Position on the Future of Europe

Author(s): / Language(s): English

On 19 October 2012, representatives from the four Visegrad countries met in Warsaw, at PISM, to discuss national approaches to the current sovereign debt crisis and the EU’s increasing use of differentiated integration. The goal was to explore the potential of a joint response to hazards that might sideline the Four in EU affairs. The present report picks up on the issues discussed there, with contributions from Janusz Gąciarz, Radovan Kavický, David Král, László Sinka, Rafał Trzaskowski. By identifying much potential for future cooperation, the report, edited by Agata Gostyńska and Roderick Parkes, draws recommendations for the Visegrad Group that can ultimately result in their upgraded cooperation on the EU arena.

PISM Report on the Common Security and Defence Policy

Author(s): / Language(s): English

From Lisbon to Europe 2020. Lisbon Strategy Implementation in 2010: Assessments and Prospects

Author(s): Marcin Koczor,Paweł Tokarski / Language(s): English

Polish Institute of International Affairs published a report "From Lisbon to Europe 2020. Lisbon Strategy implementation in 2010: Assessments and Prospects" by Marcin Koczor and Paweł Tokarski. The publication contains the evaluation of the implementation of the Lisbon Strategy for 2010, a summary of the entire duration of the strategy and describes the place of the current EU economic strategy, Europe 2020, in the process of economic governance reform. The report also includes conclusions and recommendations for the current strategy – Europe 2020.

The ENP in practice - the European Union's policy towards Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova one year after the publication of the Strategy Paper

Author(s): Katarzyna Pełczyńska-Nałęcz / Language(s): English,Polish

1. Clear qualitative changes have taken place in relations between the European Union and its Eastern neighbours over the past year. The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) has been playing a significant part in the context of these changes. In the cases of Moldova and Ukraine, which are the countries interested in enhancing co-operation with the EU, the ENP has provided a formula that allows taking steps to implement this objective. The ENP has also contributed to "outlining an alternative" to Belarus' current self-isolation. However, the ENP has first of all given a clear message to Russia by specifying the EU's interests and objectives concerning Eastern Europe. The ENP has clearly stated that the EU wants to build democracy and a free market in those countries, and has signalled that the European Union intends to discuss the issues concerning the countries directly with them, and not through Moscow's offices.2. The main shortcoming of the ENP appears to be the disproportion between the number of commitments and tasks that the neighbours must make and carry out and the benefits promised by the EU. Currently, the ENP does not offer membership prospects, and other concessions made by the European Union have not been clearly defined (neither in terms of the scope nor the terms and conditions of implementation). This lack of balance between the European Union's great aspirations to influence its neighbours and the limited offer it addresses to those neighbours seems to be a problem of such magnitude that, unless the situation changes, it may paralyse further implementation of the ENP. 3. The mechanisms and objectives of the ENP have been determined in rather general terms, which gives the EU great freedom of action in its policy towards the Eastern partners. On the one hand, the ENP allows for a very reserved approach or even the simulation of real actions; yet on the other, it does not exclude the possibility of very active engagement by the EU (including holding out the prospect of membership for the European neighbours). This shows that the ENP does not definitely determine the nature of the EU engagement. A great deal depends on the political will on the part of both the European Union's structures and its individual member states. The ENP's flexibility seems to be a particularly valuable feature; it gives an opportunity for an evolutional change to this formula which may be inspired by both new experiences and the changing reality.

The consequences of Brexit for the UK’s security policy and NATO’s eastern flank

Author(s): Piotr Szymański / Language(s): English

Regardless of how the UK leaves the European Union and what final timetable it adopts, Brexit has influenced the British debate on security policy, and may have implications for Britain’s involvement in NATO’s defence and deterrence strategy towards Russia. The United Kingdom plays an important role on NATO’s north-eastern flank. London has deployed British troops to the NATO battlegroups in Estonia and Poland, and it is expanding its military cooperation with Norway in securing the maritime areas of the North Atlantic. The UK has also bolstered its military presence in Romania. After leaving the European Union, London will still be involved in the security of Northern and Central & Eastern Europe. However in the future, Britain’s strong military footprint on NATO’s eastern flank may be challenged by the increased activity of British armed forces beyond Europe as part of the ‘Global Britain’ concept, or by a change in the priorities of Britain’s security policy by the Labour Party, which wants to focus to a greater degree on global threats and the UN’s peacekeeping operations.

Konsekwencje brexitu dla polityki bezpieczeństwa Wielkiej Brytanii i wschodniej flanki NATO

Author(s): Piotr Szymański / Language(s): Polish

Niezależnie od ostatecznego harmonogramu i formy opuszczenia Unii Europejskiej przez Wielką Brytanię brexit wpływa na brytyjską debatę o polityce bezpieczeństwa i może mieć konsekwencje dla brytyjskiego zaangażowania w natowską strategię obrony i odstraszania wobec Rosji. Wielka Brytania odgrywa ważną rolę na północno-wschodniej flance NATO. Londyn zapewnia obecność brytyjskich żołnierzy w natowskich grupach bojowych w Estonii i Polsce oraz rozwija współpracę wojskową z Norwegią w zakresie zabezpieczania obszarów morskich na północnym Atlantyku. Wielka Brytania jest też obecna wojskowo w Rumunii. Po opuszczeniu Unii Europejskiej Londyn nadal będzie się angażować w bezpieczeństwo Europy Północnej i Środkowo-Wschodniej. Jednak wyzwaniem dla utrzymania dużego wkładu Wielkiej Brytanii w obronę wschodniej flanki może okazać się zwiększanie aktywności brytyjskich sił zbrojnych poza Europą w ramach koncepcji „Global Britain”. Ponadto na brytyjską obecność na wschodniej flance może wpłynąć zmiana priorytetów polityki bezpieczeństwa przez Partię Pracy, która w większym stopniu chce koncentrować się na zagrożeniach globalnych i operacjach pokojowych ONZ.

Barometru politic național: 9-16 februarie 2019

Author(s): Bruno Stefan / Language(s): Romanian

Survey conducted between 9 and 16 February 2019 on a national sample of 1106 people. He measured the perception of the public health system in Romania, the trust in the national political leaders, the evaluation of Traian Băsescu, the appreciation of the parties, the voting intentions.

Newsletter - 07/2021

Author(s): Adis Maksić,Slavo Kukić,Denis Romac,Senada Šelo Šabić,Andrej Nikolaidis / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian

1. Uvodnik - Povratak Amerike. 2. Preuzima li Washington ponovo dirigentsku palicu u europeizaciji BiH? 3. Konsenzus je ključan za NATO put BiH. 4. Hitnost za usvajanje izmjena Izbornog zakona. Zašto? 5. Crnogorsko društvo vri.

Koliko je uloženo u borbu protiv korupcije i organizovanog kriminala u Crnoj Gori i da li su rezultati u tom smjeru vidljivi?

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Montenegrine

Istraživanje "Koliko je uloženo u borbu protiv korupcije i organizovanog kriminala u Crnoj Gori i da li su rezultati u tom smjeru vidljivi?", je osmišljeno u okviru potprograma Centra za građansko obrazovanje (CGO) Odgovornost i transparentnost vlasti sa ciljem da doprinese podizanju svijesti o odgovornom trošenju novca iz Budžeta Crne Gore i fondova Evropske unije. Specifični cilj projekta je i ukazivanje na ulaganja u borbu protiv korupcije i organizovanog kriminala, kao jednom od ključnih problema Crne Gore na putu ka EU I na (ne)vidljive rezultate u tom pravcu.

Europeanization of election manifestos in Montenegro - To which extent political parties acknowledge European policies?

Author(s): Vladimir Vučković / Language(s): English

This study aims to assess the so far track record concerning Europeanization of political parties in Montenegro, aspiring state to European Union (EU) full membership. More precisely, Montenegro is a candidate for membership into EU, and by opening the 24 negotiating chapters, out of which two were temporarily closed, Montenegro positioned itself as leading amongst Western Balkan states in the European integration process. As in the majority of European states, political parties in Montenegro play crucial role in internal political processes, thus affecting the subsequent political shaping of the society. Hence, the focus of this research lies on the reach and outcome of EU’s influence with regards to political parties in Montenegro by observing the “top – down” approach of European integration process to actors of representative democracy, as generators of extensive internal changes, but also by noting the changes between relevant parties, and their acting in terms of the EU’s influence on domestic political agents. Therefore, subject of research focuses on providing the replay to question: whether the interest for the concept of Europeanization increased or decreased amongst Montenegrin political parties during the Parliamentary elections 2016, especially taking into account the progress Montenegro made in the European integration process. Based on the defined methodological framework, study tends to answer to a research inquiry: whether European policies come to fore within the election manifestos of political parties in Montenegro, during the Parliamentary elections 2016? As a result, the contribution of this research will be reflected in the identification of current level of Europeanization of political parties in Montenegro based on the analyses of election manifestos in context of European integration. Furthermore, objective of this research is to encourage the development of academic literature on the Europeanization of candidate states for the membership in EU, and in specific through case study of Montenegro and dynamics of Europeanization of political parties in Montenegro. Parties are crucial and imminent factors of political sphere in every country, including Montenegro, where the creation of state and individual public policy is practically impossible without their full participation. By laying out party’s views, believes and opinions concerning the issue of EU membership, parties in Montenegro affect the opinions of citizens to the great extent. Likewise, they pose one of the important channels of informing the public on the current EU policies and values, and the advantages and deficiencies transposed by the accession process. Henceforth, it is important to determine the level of transformative power of EU within domestic political parties, given that in the upcoming period they will influence the pace and quality of Montenegrin accession negotiations, as well as the rise or decrease of citizens’ support for that process.

Crna Gora - između lidera i simulatora reformi

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Montenegrine

Šest godina nakon otvaranja pregovora o pristupanju, Crna Gora je i dalje primjer zarobljene države. Kao što godinama i decenijama iscrpljuje demokratsku javnost, tako Vlada Crne Gore strategiju iscrpljivanja majstorski primjenjuje na proces evropskih integracija, pri tom zloupotrebljavajući potrebu Evropske unije za novim integracijskim optimizmom.

The Western Balkans: A Chance for the EU A Liberal Perspective on the Accession Process

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

Taking a look at the map it is clear that the countries of the Western Balkans (in this paper Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia) are a geopolitically crucial part of Europe that is still missing from the European Union. For political, economic and infrastructural reasons, as well as for the European identity that the Union shares with the Western Balkans, it is vital to reanimate the spirit of the accession process in the region and in the European member states. The EU accession process needs adaptations and improvements to provide more clarity, support and realistic perspectives for the aspiring members. The perspective of the Western Balkans states on the further development of the accession process is comparatively under-represented in the day-to-day debate on EU enlargement. Therefore, representatives of five liberal parties who are active in the above-mentioned states have compiled this short paper on their opinion on possible adjustments in the accession process speaking from their own experience as policy makers.

REPORT OF THE OMBUDSMAN: A MERE FORMALITY OR A CONTRIBUTION TO THE RULE OF LAW IN THE PROCESS OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION

Author(s): Lena Petrović / Language(s): English

In this document, the position of the Ombudsman (Protector of Citizens) will be discussed from the point of view of the attitude of the National Assembly and the Government of the Republic of Serbia toward the Ombudsman’s regular annual reports. In the past ten years, Serbia has largely regressed in terms of democracy and the rule of law. Data from international and domestic organisations point to a state that has been captured by one party, the collapse of the separation of powers, and the absence of political dialogue. On the other hand, the Government of Serbia keeps emphasising the rule of law as its main priority in the accession negotiations with the European Union (EU). For the EU, the development of democratic processes is the main aspect of Serbia’s approach. In such circumstances, the attitude of the legislative and executive powers towards the report of the Ombudsman shows whether the authorities are essentially or just formally committed to the rule of law and admission to the European Union. The Ombudsman is an independent state body that protects the rights of citizens and controls the legality of the work of the administration. Its role is protected by the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia. The Global Alliance for National Human Rights Institutions (GANHRI) gave it the highest status A, which shows that its work is in line with international standards. However, analyses reveal certain weaknesses of this independent institution. The reports on Serbia’s progress in the process of accession to the European Union for 2021 and 2022 highlighted the need to strengthen the Ombudsman by providing staffing and financial resources and ensuring systematic cooperation with the authorities. Although there are numerous challenges in the work of the Ombudsman, this document analyses only the practice of its reporting to the National Assembly, in the context of ongoing reforms implemented for the purpose of Serbia’s accession to the European Union. We particularly stress the importance of the Ombudsman in strengthening democratic institutions and fulfilling the criteria from the negotiation Chapters 23 (Judiciary and Fundamental Rights) and 24 (Justice, Freedom and Security), and propose solutions that contribute to political responsibility and the rule of law.

Serbia and Hungary: Hammering Democracy

Author(s): Marko Drajić / Language(s): English

Hungary is currently Serbia’s closest international partner. Bilateral relations between the two countries are no longer marred by any disputes and their political and economic interests increasingly coincide. The values underpinning the administrations of both countries have converged to such an extent that a similar modus operandi is evident in their attitudes to issues such as democracy, the rule of law, institutions, foreign policy priorities, political opposition, the media, non-governmental organisations and the migrant crisis. According to the latest Freedom House report, these values and the political systems they have given rise to categorise these two countries as hybrid regimes – one step closer to authoritarian systems of government.