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Vehicle for modernization in trouble. How the Eurozone crisis have changed cohesion policy

Author(s): Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse / Language(s): Polish Issue: 10/2016

European Union cohesion policy is the main tool of economic and social modernization in less developed countries and regions, notably in Central and Eastern Europe. The article aims to answer the question how the Eurozone crisis has affected this policy. In particular, the author intends to study the phenomena observed during the Eurozone crisis in (2010–2015) in relation to the field of cohesion policy. Did the policy involve a palpable intensification of intergovernmental management, and did it strengthen the informal role of the largest and richest member states? Did the competences of European Commission grow, albeit without increasing its political autonomy in relation to the EU intergovernmental institutions? Did the crisis reveal the phenomenon of the “two-speed Europe” (a clear division between the Eurozone and the rest of the EU) in the sphere of cohesion policy? Or perhaps is there yet another hidden division line within the cohesion policy?

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Oblicza kryzysu spójności Wspólnej Polityki Zagranicznej i Bezpieczeństwa po traktacie z Lizbony

Author(s): Anna Skolimowska / Language(s): English,Polish Issue: 02/2017

The European integration project is in a deep crisis that touches many aspects of the European Union’s functioning - its economy, political activities, migration policy or even its external credibility and identity towards third parties. Crisis, however, is seen as a permanent feature of European integration and even perceived by some as an engine of its development. Each crisis was responded to by the treaty reforms and in that way helped to improve the EU’s institutional and political structure.The aim of the article is to seek an answer to the following questions: What are the features of the European Union’s crisis in the sphere of its external policy? What kind of solutions aimed to improve this policy are undertaken by the political actors of the European integration? Do they have a potential to strengthen the European Union’s position in a globalized world?The article is divided into three sections. The first section characterizes the foreign policy of the EU as well as the features of its external policy crisis. In the second section activities of the political actors of the European project toward overcoming such a crisis are shown. In the third section the author seeks an answer to the question if those solutions have a potential to strengthen the EU’s role in a globalized world?

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SYTUACJA BRYTYJSKICH TERYTORIÓW ZALEŻNYCH W EUROPIE PO PRZYSTĄPIENIU WIELKIEJ BRYTANII DO WSPÓLNOT EUROPEJSKICH

Author(s): Bartłomiej H. Toszek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 21/2009

The paper presents consequences of the United Kingdom entry to the European Communities for political, economical and social situation of the British dependent territories in Europe: Isle of Man, Channel Islands, Gibraltar and the British Sovereign Bases on Cyprus. Because of unusual regulations of an Accession Treaty concerning the British Crown dependencies there were secured very good conditions of economical development of Isle of Man and Channel Islands as a free tariff areas. But the situation of Gibraltar and military bases on Cyprus were completely dependent of their relationships between its neighbours (i.e. Republic of Cyprus and Spain) and the European Communities. Especially position of Gibraltar as a part of EEC tariff area was incoherent with any political possibilities. Despite of these disadvantages the most of citizens of all British dependent territories in Europe were satisfied of their relations with the European Communities. In their opinion autonomic position in Common Market could have great influence for growing of autonomy in internal relations with the United Kingdom.

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Pytanie o imponderabilia – czyli podstawy ideowe jednoczącej się Europy. (Kilka uwag wokół projektu konstytucji Unii Europejskiej oraz Traktatu Lizbońskiego)

Author(s): Waldemar Potkański / Language(s): Polish Issue: 22/2009

The article discusses some of the doubts that arise when one considers the ideo- logical stance of the European Union based on the following documents: the final draft of the EU Constitution produced in 2004 and the Treaty of Lisbon of 2007. In reference to the fundamental canons of cultural values respected on our continent, the EU legisla- tors appear to consciously depreciate Christian concepts, thus renouncing the universal values established in the Middle Ages. Instead, they emphasise the concepts created dur- ing the French Revolution that changed the socio-economic order in modern times. At the same time, they do not underline the socio-political achievements of British de- mocracy, which can be thought of as an alternative for the ones mentioned earlier. While quoting slogans of liberation, one often forgets about protecting sacrosanct human va- lues. In this case, it is difficult to see a common hierarchy of moral values in Europe. Under these circumstances, Poland and the other member states should spare no effort to establish permanent legal canons that would guarantee civil liberties stemming from common European identity.

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Geneza i znaczenie Systemu Informacyjnego Schengen

Author(s): Sebastian Kaniewski / Language(s): English,Russian,Polish Issue: 2/2015

The security of countries belonging to the European Union was one of the elements which was intentions of its creators from the beginning. Currently the Schengen area comprises 28 countries, where the most important protective measure from the police point of view is the Schengen Information System. Its purpose is ‘to maintain public order and public security on the territoriesof countries – Parties of the Conventions’.

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Európa nacionalistái egyesülhetnek? A radikális jobboldal képviselőcsoportjai az Európai Parlamentben

Author(s): András Hajdú / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 2/2017

In the last few years it has been increasingly recognised that European integration and the changes in the European Union have brought about changes to the political parties in Europe. On the one hand, the European Parliament offers a new career path for politicians, while at the same time the Groups in the European Parliament and the Europarties also have an impact on political parties (Ladrech, 2012). However, the international alliances and organisations of the radical right have received limited academic attention to date, and those researchers who have dealt with the topic have generally claimed that, because of their nationalism and authoritarian political style, these parties are unable to create a stable, extensive and long-standing supranational political formation (Mudde, 2007; Almeida, 2010; Startin, 2010). This article aims to explore the patterns of the cooperation of the radical right parties in the European Parliament, as well as to present how the fi ndings on the Europe of Nations and Freedom (ENF) group complement or modify existing knowledge in this field.

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1918 ПРЕПРЕКА НА ПУТУ КА ЧЛАНСТВУ У ЕВРОПСКОЈ УНИЈИ

Author(s): Miroslav Jovanović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 122/2006

The European Union (EU) and Serbia’s accession to this international organization in a relatively distant future are linked, in the eyes of the Serbian public, with numerous expectations, dilemmas, misunderstanding, fears, joys and periodical manipulations. The topic is important, broad and complex, so there is a need for the basic and understandable explanations. While in Serbia this topic is one of the most important and high on the government’s agenda. In the EU and its member countries, it attracts almost no attention and is not a priority issue. Simply, the EU is concerned with much more important issues, such as its future constitutional system, security, energy, globalisation, unemployment, immigration, demographic problem (population ageing), monetary union, preservation of the single market and adjustment to the EU eastern enlargement of 2004 and 2007. After introduction to the advantages and problems relating to Serbia’s potential accession to the EU, the attention is turned to the issues that include geopolitical conditions for accession to the EU, legislation and functioning of the EU, as well as its budget. Effects of integration, the EU’s interest in Serbia and Serbia’s interest in the EU are presented before conclusions.

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Fortress Europe

Author(s): Monika Gabriela Bartoszewicz / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2017

Radical parties in Europe are increasingly popular across the whole continent. Therefore, the pan-European dimension of this phenomenon requires a thorough analysis. Also, increasing politicisation of hitherto social movements like PEGIDA, proliferation of various forms of direct democracy (referenda, demonstrations, manifestations), and vigilante groups (like Soldiers of Odin) present both in the eastern and western part of the European Community begs for a deepened reflection regarding the drivers and determinants of these phenomena. We need to answer the question whether radicalisation of European politics is a temporary occurrence or will it become a permanent feature of the European political landscape due to structural reasons. This paper argues that the crisis of societal security manifests itself through a crisis of representative democracy institutions and mechanisms visible in “radicalisation of politics” taking forms of antiestablishment initiatives (radical parties, social movements, and vigilante groups) and various forms of direct democracy (referenda, manifestations, demonstrations).

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EU Crisis Management and Conflict Prevention

Author(s): Maciej Stępka / Language(s): English Issue: 49/2017

Early warning systems are responsible for monitoring crisis situations and generating warning signals of situations which escalate and pose a threat to international and human security. The application of this instrument often determines the success of preventive measures and efficiency of further crisis management. Being aware of the importance of this mechanism, the EU invested substantial resources for its development within the CFSP/CSDP framework. Nonetheless, the faulty institutional design and insufficient analytical capabilities of the EEAS put the applicability of the system in question. The article analyses a set of early warning institutional arrangements embedded in CFSP/CSDP institutional structure. In doing so, it describes and examines the main institutional and systemic constrains of early warning utilization in the EU conflict prevention framework.

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The second revival?

Author(s): Arkadiusz Nyzio / Language(s): English Issue: 50/2017

The aim of this article is to present the Visegrád Group’s position towards the contemporary European migrant crisis. The author seeks to answer two main questions: what is the degree of coherence of the Group’s position and what are the internal factors of the V4’s stance towards the crisis? The article analyses the political situation in the Group’s member states, the V4’s stance towards the earliest propositions concerning the migrant crisis, its fight against the implementation of the mandatory quotas, its stance towards the implementation of the EU’s decisions and internal factors of the V4’s policies. The author argues that although the members of the Group differ in their approach to many international issues, their attitude towards the crisis is very similar.

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Inegalități economice și sociale în Uniunea Europeană

Author(s): Emanuel COPILAȘ / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1/2016

The European Union is, no doubt, at a major political crossroad. Inequalities among its regions and member states are still alarmingly high, despite the considerable efforts made through cohesion policy to reduce them. The immigration crisis amplifies these inequalities, also generating major political outcomes, like Great Britain’s decision to renounce its EU membership. This article offers a general perspective over the European project starting from the premise that the EU’s growing economic coherence is not doubled by the same level of political coherence. The future of the EU itself depends on elaborating, as quickly as possible, a much needed political form and thus making it able to tackle more successfully the whole set of challenges that lies ahead.

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A TROUBLED OR A TROUBLING CANDIDATE – SERBIAN ACCESSION TO THE EU

Author(s): Vladimir Đorđević / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2012

This article analyzes Serbian accession bid to the EU. Although a candidate country as of March 2012, Serbia will have to manage some painstaking reforms before being admitted into the Union. Even if negotiations over Serbian entry start next year, and date of entry negotiations is still unknown, it seems realistic that Serbia will not join the EU by the end of this decade. In that respect, main argument of this article is that Serbian entry to the EU is dependent on the following issues: battling systemic corruption and (organized) crime; relations with Kosovo; and change of political culture.

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Partnerstwo Wschodnie Unii Europejskiej w dobie wstrząsów i przemian Europy Wschodniej

Author(s): Tomasz Stępniewski / Language(s): English,Polish Issue: 3 (83)/2017

Eastern Europe (especially Ukraine) struggles with a significant number of problems, both internal and external in character. Euromaidan in Ukraine complicated the situation of the country even further. Some researchers believe the aftermath of Euromaidan sent the strongest shockwave since the fall of the USSR. In addition, the conflict results in geopolitical changes in Eastern Europe, but also influences conditions the European Union’s eastern policy is implemented in. The Eastern Partnership (EaP) is quite frequently considered an inefficient policy. Some go as far as to claim it has lost its raison d’etre. Observations claiming a decline of the EaP project are also made. Is it really true that the EaP project has failed to meet its objectives? The present paper constitutes a general review of the situation the European Union’s Eastern Partnership countries are in with regards to the armed conflict in Ukraine (the so-called Ukrainian crisis). The paper attempts to offers answers to the following questions: Will the EU be able to consider the position of EaP states in such a predicament? Will Poland, supported by the countries of the Visegrad Group (the V4), be able to convince EU member states to become actively involved in the matters of the East? Will Russia’s actions towards EaP states prevent the objectives from being reached?

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Europa, Griechenland und die Flüchtlingskrise

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Europa, Griechenland und die Flüchtlingskrise

Author(s): Georgios Tsiakalos / Language(s): German Issue: 02/2018

Through the Directive 2001/51/EC the countries of central and northern Europe were able to relinquish their responsibility to receive those seeking asylum and safety from other countries directly at their borders – including airport transit zones – and to decide on their applications.The countries of southern Europe thus became the exclusive gateways to the EU for there fugees from the crisis regions of Asia and Africa. This particularly applies to Greece since 2014.The article examines the dissuasive measures undertaken by Greece in order to realize European policy within its territory. Special focus is put on the question whether these measures wereor could be proportionate and effective, and which domestic political constellations have influenced them until today.

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Wzrost liczby zachowań radykalnych w Europie a przyszłość Unii Europejskiej

Author(s): Andrzej Wojtaszak / Language(s): Polish Issue: 43/2018

The article addresses the problem of the threat of various movements and extremist organizations in EU countries. Some of them are radically religious, which is partly due to the involvement of European states in conflicts in the Middle East. The radicalization of the attitudes of many Islamist groups living in the Union is connected with the idea of retaliation, proclaimed by the leaders of terrorist organizations (eg Al-Qaeda or the so-called Islamic State, IS). The problem is also the extremism of movements and separatist and ethnic-nationalist organizations. Despite the weakening (suspension) of the ETA or IRA, independence claims continue to appear. Corsican or Provencal separatism is very important, and independence is also being said in Catalonia and Scotland. One can not ignore extremists with leftist-anarchist or radical right-wing views. The EU seeks solutions and undertakes various initiatives to minimize the threat. Strategies, declarations, programs are created, new institutions are created. It is essential that in the face of radicalization of extreme attitudes EU member states work closely together.

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Hybrydowość granic Unii Europejskiej w środowisku międzynarodowym

Author(s): Anna Moraczewska / Language(s): Polish Issue: 11/2017

The border is a key element in the security strategy of the state. The EU as an entity of inter-national relations has contributed to a qualitative change in the essence of state borders. On the one hand, it takes into account the role of border in organizing the legal systems of sovereign states, and on the other “detaches” borders from their territorial dimension. The idea of borders within the European Union matches with the concept of the hybrid structure of the EU itself. They are a unique phenomenon in international law with no equivalent in any other current integrating structure. EU borders are a hybrid form of their traditional perception form the state perspective and they are characterized by heterogeneity, variability and high sensitivity to the turbulence of the international environment.

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Patrząc na Wschód: Unia Europejska wobec niestabilnego wschodniego sąsiedztwa

Author(s): Tomasz Stępniewski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 11/2017

The present paper constitutes a brief analysis of the EU’s policy towards its eastern neigh-bors. The paper outlines the condition of the EU (crises the Union is struggling with). Next, the situation of countries in the eastern neighborhood was presented in light of the Eastern Partner-ship policy. Particular emphasis was placed upon the Ukrainian crisis. The crisis, a de facto, armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine, has resulted not only in a geopolitical change in Eastern Europe, but also exerted impact upon conditions the EU’s eastern policy is realized in. In other words, Russia’s aggression on Ukraine placed the EU in a precarious position forcing the Union to change its policy towards Russia.The Eastern Partnership project constitutes a long-term policy, and ought to be perceived as such. The fact that within the EU itself there exist forces which are against, neutral, and support-ing of the EU’s eastern policy, including the Eastern Partnership, is noteworthy.

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Promocja demokracji przez Zachód we wschodniej części Europy w XXI wieku

Author(s): Ryszard Zięba / Language(s): Polish Issue: 11/2017

The Western states and their international institutions (the European Union and NATO) fol-lowed the liberal ideology in the 21st century to continue the policy of promoting democracy, the rule of law, human rights and market economy towards the former communist states in the Western Balkans and the former USSR. The biggest impediment to their policy is Russia, which believes that Western states are actually pursuing the goals of extending their sphere of influ-ence and compromising its security interests. The biggest confrontation between the West and Russia took place in 2014 in Ukraine, when the EU and the USA supported the pro-Western aspirations of the new authorities of the country, which emerged as a result of several months of street demonstrations in Kyiv. The Ukraine crisis has caused difficulties in international coop-eration and deterioration of international security in the Euro-Atlantic zone.

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Międzynarodowa pozycja Unii Europejskiej w warunkach niestabilności południowego i wschodniego sąsiedztwa

Author(s): Andrzej Podraza,Tomasz Stępniewski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 11/2017

The European Union is facing numerous internal and external crises which may affect its future operations. The crises may undermine the present integration model. They may evenresult in the EU’s considerable transformation and exert impact upon its international position. The crises stem from member states’ vast differences of opinion on methods for dealing with the internal and external challenges. The most critical of the challenges include the Eurozone crisis, attitude towards refugees and migrants from the Near East and Africa, and diverse approaches towards Russia in connection with the annexation of Crimea and with the conflict in Eastern Ukraine. They all illustrate a deep rift not only among member states but also within individual countries of the EU.

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Między targami a argumentacją. Kontekstualne spojrzenie na rolę Unii Europejskiej w G20

Author(s): Marek Rewizorski / Language(s): English,Polish Issue: 01/2018

The article argues that the EU’s diplomatic activity in the G20 is not so much determined by itspowers in the founding treaties, but rather by external factors that influence the specific behaviour of theUnion with regard to negotiating individual points of the Group’s agenda. As far as the EU’s economic andfinancial issues are concerned, the European Union, balancing between member-states that do not havea single representation in the G20 and the EU4 (United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy), chooses aninteraction mode that can be defined as (hard) bargaining. In other, less sensitive issues such as climatechange, development policy, gender or employment, the EU prefers arguing. The article presents thesetwo narratives of the EU’s participation in the G20 as a diplomatic actor. Their choice affects the level ofcoordination of the diplomatic activity of the European Union, relations between its member states andactivities of institutions representing the EU in the G20.

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