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The review of: „Balkanski paradoksi. Ogledi o raspadu Jugoslavije“ by Božidar Jakšić; Beogradski krug, Beograd 2001
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The review of: „Balkanski paradoksi. Ogledi o raspadu Jugoslavije“ by Božidar Jakšić; Beogradski krug, Beograd 2001
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The micropolitics of a school is one of the key factors that determine changes in member interactions in a learning organization and requires a careful study in order to create a favorable school environment. The aim of this study is to analyze the concept of the micropolitics of a school, highlighting the essential attributes of the concept. The research method – Formal Concept Analysis (FCA) – was used to identify the implicit relationships between objects described through a set of the attributes. The analysis of scientific literature reveals 6 sets of objects: micropolitics as a dimension of leadership; micropolitics as a part of macropolitics; micropolitics as a teacher’s life and actions; micropolitics as interactions within an organization; micropolitics as the daily life of an organization; micropolitics as the darker side of institutional life.
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Riječ ≫kriza≪ je postala veoma popularna, — srećemo je na svakom koraku, Jamačno bi već i ≫izišla iz mode≪ kad svakodnevni život ne bi otkrivao sve nove njene manifestacije i podvige. Ipak, može se nekom učiniti da nije opravdano govoriti i o krizi nacijonalizma, danas kad su baš nacijonalizam i razni nacijonalistički pokreti u punome jeku.
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The paper discusses the reception of Dinko Tomašić's political sociology before and after the Second World War, mainly in Croatia. Four phases are emphasized here. The first phase is marked by the prevalence of critical discourse, whether a rightwing (during the second half ofthe 30s) or a leftwing one (in the SOs). The latter induced a period of almost complete oblivion during the 60s and 70s. The third phase (the aOs) is characterized by the appearance of pioneering essays dealing exclusively with Tomašić's prewar writtings. The big turn took place at the beginning of th 90s when we witnessed the first comprehensive biographical studies, as well as the first applications of Tomašić's models to the causes of war in former Yugoslavia.
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As an important and ofen decisive factor, time in particular has an impact on political life. In the work of parliaments, its importance comes to the fore in a very concrete form. In the discussion at hand, we will attempt to understand the modern perception of time on the one hand and the political dimensions and their impact on the other hand. The central thesis that we will adhere to is the following: in the modern era, time has become a crucial commodity. It needed to be managed rationally, which therefore called for efficient operations. The perception of time coincided with the need to regulate it, to adjust to the muchneeded speed. Stemming fom this postulate, the perception of politics and the political was changing. In the methodological sense, the present discussion is based on an analysis of the past manipulations with time (in the 19th and 20th centuries) – on a quantitative analysis of the scope of work of the last parliamentary decades and, in particular, on an analysis of the perception of time among deputies as expressed in their speeches (the later has been achieved using the possibilities nowadays ofered to the researchers by corpus linguistics and the siParl 2.0 text corpus).
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In the article the author analyzes the process of creation in the communicative space of Russia of the esoteric discourse presenting and spreading esoteric values. On the periphery of this discourse, in the media space, we can observe the “invasion” of the mass culture into the field of esoteric values. On the level of discursive practices it occurs in deformation of the canon of esoteric genres — horoscope and mass culture genre — advertising. The process manifests in purposeful choice of language means helping to create the order of the discourse.
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The purpose of the present article is to present a phenomenon that happens in our society more often than the common sense can tell. The main idea is that whenever a topic starts a collective debate in a society it is almost inevitable that the phenomenon of “spiral of silence” will occur. The “spiralling” effect emerges depending on how a dominant opinion gains increasing visibility over one or several minority opinions. Starting from what was known at that time as “last-minute swing” phenomenon, over the years theoretical additions transformed it into “the spiral of silence” theory. Its core idea is that those who perceive themselves as a minority are less likely to express their opinion publicly due to the (social)costs attached. This phenomenon is possible because the individual has two natures: an individual one and a social one, to which a fear of isolation that can attract criticism, scorn, laughter, or other signs of disapproval is added.
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The sociological aspect of the issue related to personal autonomy under the terms and conditions of the modern development of the Ukrainian society has been considered. It is proved that autonomy, as an integrative quality of an individual, is formed and manifested in the course of the social interaction of individuals in various life spheres. It is shown that the personal autonomy is determined by the freedom to choose the actions in different social situations, the possibility of own individual potential realization during selection and implementation of any activity. The reasons and social consequences of the risks of the personal autonomy in the modern Ukrainian society have been analyzed.
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This article examines impoliteness in political TV debates in Lithuania. Study adopts qualitative and quantitative content analysis method to analyze 720 minutes of political debates broadcasted before the 2016 Lithuanian Parliamentary elections. Current paper presents theoretical approach to impoliteness, which is later used in empirical analysis to address 2 main objectives: a) to study impoliteness in terms of directness/indirectness and b) to reveal how face threatening acts (FTAs) are expressed. The results of the study have revealed that impoliteness during political TV debates is almost equally expressed directly and indirectly. Direct impoliteness during political debates can be expressed using all functional types of the sentences. Indirect impoliteness in debates can be modified internally and externally using various language resources: inclusive we form, official addressing words, irony, parantheses. This suggests that impoliteness in the context of political TV debates is a unique phenomenon specified by various creative ways of using the language in order to publicly belittle political opponents.
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Social networks are current prime space for the activities of youth political organizations. They are used not only as a marketing tool to present their activities to the target audience, but also to communicate various content. The focus of the paper is to identify forms of negative campaigns in communication and promotion posts on social networks of youth political organizations in Slovakia. Data are obtained from official Facebook profiles. They are processed through statistical software. The monitored categories focus on: the ratio of contributions with a negative campaign to the total number of contributions, the direction of the negative campaign (person / entity), the topic of the negative campaign contribution, the form of the negative campaign contribution (post type). The results show the active use of forms of negative campaigns on social networks of youth political organizations.
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Traditionally, security has been associated with the military, and the settlement of pursuing national interests, declaring war and peace have been the responsibility of the state, almost the sole actor of international relations. Since the middle of the twentieth century, security studies have extended the dimension of security from its intrinsic side, mainly state-military centered, to its extrinsic and exhaustive side, human and societal centered, related to the existence of threats to individuals and societies. Simultaneously, the effervescence of international relations specialists extended their study of security to other subjects or security actors besides states, namely the individual and human society. The state is no longer an exclusive subject of security and, in the context of theorizing societal security and human security, the state no longer has an exclusive role in international relations. Therefore, international and non-governmental organizations, multinational corporations, illicit organizations such as terrorists or organized crime organizations, and even the individual himself are playing increasingly important roles in the national, regional, and international security scene.
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Reviews of: 1. Politics of Symbolization Across Central and Eastern Europe Series: Studies in Sociology: Symbols, Theory and Society Edited By Elżbieta Hałas and Nicolas Maslowski Peter Lang: Berlin, Bern, Bruxelles, New York, Oxford, Warszawa, Wien, 2021, 304 pp., 18 fig. b/w, 11 tables. ISBN: 978-3-631-84538-7; 2. Maria Halamska Continuity and Change Rural Poland 1918–2018 Searching for Sources of the Present Warszawa: IRWIR PAN, SCHOLAR, 2021, pp. 255. ISBN: 978-83-664-7055-2 EAN: 9788366470552
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In the 1980s, the neoliberal concept was imposed as an economic-political doctrine based on the claim that the free market efficiently allocated resources and ensured world prosperity and peace. The aim of this paper is to try to provide one of the possible interpretations of neoliberal economy on the basis of the analysis of the development of economic thought. The foundations of liberal economy are defined by classical political economy, and the contribution was made by the neoclassical school of economics, but also other directions in the development of economic thought. Although proponents of the neoliberal economy have advocated liberalization and privatization to improve the general well-being of society, the global economic crisis and the COVID-19 crisis have shown the misconceptions and contradictions of neoliberal results that are not only ineffective in times of crisis but also contribute to global inequality.
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The main aim of this paper is to determine how Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels treated the national question. Proclaiming the class as the main historical player, Marx and Engels used to pass easily over the importance of a nation’s player potential. However, practical-political reasons forced them to deal with topics related to the nation. First of all, they were aware of the explosive power of nationalism and because it could significantly influence the initiation of social revolution, but also its inhibition. Due to this fact, it was important for them to make the most of their political activities, but also to control the strength of the national feeling of different peoples. One could say that Marx’s and Engels’s attitude towards the nation was instrumental, i.e. it was seen as a potential tool in the revolutionary struggle. Marx and Engels described the peoples they perceived as the bearers of social revolution as a positive and progressive social force. On the other hand, Marx and Engels treated peoples who had a “reactionary historical role” with contempt and denied their right to exist.
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There are plenty of challenges brought by modern society. Globalisation, modernisation, transition processes, social conflicts and off-the-charts development of technology have resulted in the world changing at overwhelming rates on a daily basis. In such circumstances, the individual finds himself/herself alienated from society. The aim of this paper is to analyse the complexities of the phenomenon of alienation in political theory, as a significant indicator of the collapse of democratic institutions. Following a detailed analysis of theories that are relevant for understanding political alienation, the paper at the same time presents experiences and perspectives of relevance for comprehending political alienation in the Republic of Serbia.
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The paper investigates Russian socio-political TV talk shows. There is a certain need to comprehend the socio-political situation in the Russian Federation and abroad, which is actualised by the processes of the geopolitical transformation of the surrounding world. The redistribution of the spheres of political influence and the search for a national identity determine the public demand for political programmes, socio-political TV talk shows in particular, which demonstrate high rating indicators in today’s Russia. They indicate a consistently high public interest due to new political and communication challenges as well as an increased desire of the Russian political elites to control the public opinion by cultivating ideological attitudes, which leads to growth of audience loyalty to the current government.
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C. Benoit et al. (2018) distinguish three models of social policy that reveal different approaches to prostitution: repressive (prohibiting prostitution), regulating and integrating (decriminalizing prostitution). In Lithuania, a repressive model of social policy is applied in prostitution – both the client and the person providing sexual services are fined. Currently, active social campaigns are underway to apply the Nordic (or Equality) model in prostitution in Lithuania: only the client who buys sexual services would be committing a crime and therefore fined. Although adapting the Nordic model would reduce women’s administrative criminality in female prostitution, the authors consider, based on a case study and the experience of other countries, whether focusing on repressive social policy legislations will address the stigma and isolation that hinder the integration and empowerment of women.
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The challenges for today’s Christian in the field of “human rights” reveal the danger of man’s autonomy from God and the Church. The contemporary society is becoming informational and digitized/digitalized, as technology increasingly defines and controls the life of the contemporary Christian. The challenge for the contemporary Christian coming from the sphere of the informational and digitized society lies in the danger of his/her depersonalization and the emergence of scientific ideologies that can influence and divert the Christian from his free and personal relationship with God.
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This article deals with the perception of historical memory and national identity in the era of posterity, as well as their impact on the formation of Russian national unity; determines the role of the latter in the emergence of a new identity of the Russian nation. The initial methodological position for this study is the idea that, even in post-truth conditions, historical memory and national identity retain their true value. The authors use polls of the Russian Public Opinion Research Center. The survey method is a telephone interview. According to the polls, 92% believe that it is important to know the history of Russia, while at the same time, only 42% know it well. The results of the study can be used in various state programs, which are based on historical memory and aimed at the development of Russian national identity.
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This study investigates the political engagement of Vietnamese immigrants in Poland on social media. It employs the typology of online political participation as a theoretical framework to determine the pattern of online involvement in the political sphere staged by the migrant group. Through analysing materials relating to political discussions created daily on an online community of the Polish Vietnamese, collected by doing netnography, this study shows that the political activism on social media of Vietnamese immigrants in Poland exists and varies. Vietnamese-migrant users discuss homeland politics and express views about political issues in the host country as well as other countries by creating non-mobilising posts (Information and Diffusion), while being inclined to produce posts with calls for action (Instruction and Promotion) to criticise social injustice and mobilise equality. This study also found a growing critical attitude towards homeland politics among Vietnamese-origin individuals in the country. The findings have practical implications for associations and state actors in both the host and home countries to account for the evolvement of the migrant community.
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