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O suverenitetu drţave Bosne i Hercegovine ne moţe se govoriti izvan konteksta suvereniteta uopće. To prevashodno i preliminarno podrazumijeva kratku opservaciju elementarnih teorijskih pretpostavki tretmana pojma suverenosti. Suverenost uopće je jedna izuzetno kompleksna kategorija koja je veoma ĉesto, u skladu sa zahtjevima vremena, odnosno mijenama povijesti, mijenjala svoj sadržaj i stanovišta.
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With the growth of societies in size, complexity and diversification, the obtaining formal and informal factors of social control become insufficient, which contributes to the rise of social pathology. The paper contains an overview of definitions of the con-cept of social pathology and theories explaining the sources of social pathology: structural tensions, conflicts, stigmatization, control and variegated relationships between them. The sources of the negative phenomena are also related to the effects produced by processes of socio-economic, cultural and political transformations. Social pathology can have both an individual and a collective dimension. Individual pathology may be linked to alcoholism, drug-taking, prostitution, suicide or individual crime commitment. The individual pathology affects mainly its bearers but its effects constitute a danger to their nearest environment (including their families), groups or the whole society. It is difficult and hardly effective to counteract social pathology. It requires an enormous input of efforts and means. It necessitates a co-operation of involved institu-tions, including governmental ones, such as the police, prosecutors, courts, prisons, health care, social assistance institutions and non-governmental ones, such as foundations, MONAR, etc. It is possible to implement various strategies – both non-repressive and repressive ones. A broadly conceived prevention, meaning preventing pathological phenomena from arising, should be the main instrument of the counteraction.
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RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The scientific aim of the article is to examine the characteristics inherent in political authority in Ukraine, as well as the factors and contextual conditions influencing the evolution of this category in the Ukrainian political system.THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The article uses an attributive approach that allows to combine the analysis of features attributed to political authority with reflection on the effectiveness of its impact while taking into account different time perspectives with an emphasis on current conditions and trends.THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: Based on the analysis of sociological data, the article discusses the key contextual conditions that affect the evolution of political authority in Ukraine. The first part of the study focuses on the historical context and specific features of political authority during the two Ukrainian revolutions. The second part is devoted to the changes that political authority experiences during the period of Russian aggression against Ukraine.RESEARCH RESULTS: The analysis identified the main features, conditions and factors constituting political authority in Ukraine. The mutual correlation of these elements, as well as the causes and sources of the emergence and crisis of political authorities on Ukrainian soil, was explained.CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The article can be treated as an introduction to the discussion on political authorities in Ukraine, as well as the dynamics of the internal political process as such, in particular in the post-revolutionary period and in the context of Russian aggression against Ukraine.
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RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The aim is to present the conditions and characteristics of the political leadership and the authority of a leader in Turkey and to show their impact on changes taking place within the state policy and the structure of the political system.THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The main hypothesis is that in the case of Turkey, the leader’s authority and political leadership influence the personalization of politics, systemic changes and the acceptance of authoritarian behavior of the authorities. The methods used in the study were desk research and the method of analyzing written sources. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The first part defines the concepts of political leadership, political leader and political authority. In the second part, the issue of the party leader’s authority as an element of Turkey’s political culture was analyzed. The last part presents the conditions and features of the political leadership and the authority of the current president, Erdoğan.RESEARCH RESULTS: In turkish political culture is the importance of authority and cult of the leaders who are essential for the functioning of the political system. A very important feature of Turkey is the fact that its domestic and foreign policy is greatly influenced by charismatic leaders at the head of political groups. This phenomenon is defined, among others, as a personalization of politics in which the main role is played by a strong leader who is also the leader of the party. Currently, the processes taking place at the party level can also be transferred to the sphere of the entire state.CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The discussed issue is extremely important, especially in recent years, when elements of authoritarianism are implemented by leaders and political decision-makers as something that should be an undeniable attribute of the functioning of both the state and society.
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Rodrigo Duterte, the president of the Republic of the Philippines, has been heavily criticized by the local and international media, primarily for his brutal anti-drugs campaign and suppression of political opposition and journalists. Nevertheless, despite controversial decisions, Duterte remains, as surveys show, extremely popular among Filipinos. In this context, this study aims at answering the following questions: 1. What are the sources of the popularity of Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines? 2. What are the mechanisms of legitimation of his actions? Beginning with a theoretical discussion of the differences between legitimation, popularity, support, and trust, the article concludes by pointing out a combination of structural, situational, personal, and technological factors that impact his popularity.
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“The statesman’s task is to hear God’s footsteps marching through history, and to try and catch on to His coattails as He marches past” (Otto von Bismarck). Populist movements all across the globe somehow managed to catch it. Additionally, this happens in the most highly advanced and well established democracies of the world. What is even more intriguing is that the explanatory power of classical variables to account for this dynamics seems limited. On the other hand the role of emotions and the constructivist power of the mind by which they are created prove to be enormously insightful. Despite those observations there exists no systematic approach to the affective dimension. In contrast to investigations, that mainly focus on one single emotion, such as the politics of fear, here the interplay of the whole emotional game is regarded key to uncover the unseen, but felt reality underneath: The analysis reveals that the emotional negativity is mainly generated as a means to an end, namely to create at the same time a positive antidote and remedy. The strongest common denominator of this emotional logic is the technique of Altercasting, whereby the negativity is projected onto alter while what is positive is used to construct auto-affirmative identity-concepts of ego. This in turn led to the conclusion that self-esteem, which is hardly ever analyzed in these contexts, lies at the heart of the emotional constellation. Populist voters are therefore not primarily seen as opponents to democracy, but much more as seekers of a positive self-concept. Therefore the democratic system´s diminuition could be understood as a collateral damage to something much deeper seated in the human psyche. The case study chosen here is the PiS party´s election victory in 2016, which, on the abstract level of rhetorical meta-frames, is regarded as a pars pro toto for what is observed globally.
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Objectives:The purpose of this article is to show the Western European judgmental failures towards Russia by perceiving it through European values. These failures have a negative impact on European security and all of them appeared because Russia was considered the European state and the European values were put in Russia. In fact, the Russian Federation is only a geographic part of Europe, but no longer a part of European civilization.Methods:The research was conducted by analyzing the relationship between Western European countries and the Russian Federation, as well as analyzing the general condition of Russian society and Russian foreign policy.Results:This article states that Western European countries made a critical mistake by adopting European values to the Russian Federation. This hypothesis was composed by addressing the following question: What is the grand strategy of the Russian Federation? What are judgmental failures and what are their types? What judgmental failures were made by Western Europe towards Russia?Conclusions:The Russian Federation for the past years has been treated by the Western European states as a strategic business partner, however as it can be seen now, this approach was misleading and was a complete failure in terms of European security. Countries such as France and Germany had not seen Russia as an enemy of the West.
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This study aims to explain current regional policies in Japan and to explore challenges in relation to the same. Specifically, I will focus on regional revitalisation policies implemented by the Abe cabinet since 2014 and examine whether grants for regional revitalisation policies are distributed in a way that political scientists have disputed for a long time. From the perspective of public policy analyses in political science, I will conduct statistical analyses by using aggregated data of local municipalities in Japan. Thus, I will clarify the current status of and challenges related to regional policies in Japan.
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This article is maintained in the convention of a working paper. It aims to sketch an interpretation of the Polish political transformation from the perspective of Karl Polanyi’s theory, particularly his concept of double movement. According to the proposed reading, the anti-liberal turn initiated by the electoral victory of the Law and Justice party in 2015 is a response to the commodification of labour, land and money as a result of neoliberal economic reforms.
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This contribution focuses on analysing political communication in Italy during the 2022 national elections, with particular attention to the TikTok platform, where prominent Italian political leaders have appeared. To this end, we used a combination of social analysis tools, including Fanpage Karma and Blogmeter Live Insight. The collected data were scrutinized using a multidisciplinary approach that combines Political Communication Theory and Media Analysis. The aim is to explore the role of pop culture in political communication and understand how this phenomenon influences political participation and users’ choices. Furthermore, the possible consequences of the growing popularity of pop political communication on political representation are examined, as well as whether this is a momentary or long-lasting phenomenon.
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Both rational choice theory and biopolitics are extremely important paradigms in the social sciences - including political science. It would seem that their basic axioms contradict each other because the influence of biopolitical power microstructures excludes sovereign and autonomous decision-making processes. Thus, the paper adopts the hypothesis that the assumptions of biopolitics falsify the basic axioms of rational choice theory, and therefore we can consider it as the antithesis of rational choice theory. In order to verify the hypothesis, the method of content analysis was applied - with particular emphasis on studies concerning both paradigms and primary sources supported by elements of comparative studies. On the basis of the analyses carried out, it was proved that the assumptions of both paradigms do not have to contradict each other - they may even be complementary. Human actions based on the principle of rationality and self-interest can be justified by the actions of biopolitics, and therefore the hypothesis has been falsified.
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The main aim of this article is to analyze the position of Law and Justice party (PiS) towards in vitro fertilization (IVF) at the level of ideological and political agenda, results of parliamentary votes, and views of the electorate. Therefore, the following concepts were analyzed: the Law and Justice party doctrinal stereotype, the party's political stance on IVF, draft bills, the position of the party's club in the parliament towards the aforementioned and the results of parliamentary votes alongside the views of the electorate on IVF. Recognizing that human dignity begins with conception, the Law and Justice party is in favor of banning IVF and imposing criminal punishments for carrying it out, experimenting on embryos, and destroying them. These methods include: qualitative analysis of ideological and political program assumptions, institutional and legal assumptions, quantitative analysis of existing data. In order to determine the position of the party's electorate towards IVF, the announcements of the Public Opinion Research Center (CBOS) were analyzed.
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The aim of the article is to present the impact of presidential elections on the formation of the power structure within the party system in Poland. This analysis tries to highlight the impact of presidential elections on the party scene while emphasizing the rank of the presidential elections. The expediency of the participation of political parties in the election of the head of state does not boil down to achieving victory. These elections also fulfil a number of other functions for them, leading with the mobilization of the electorate and their own party structures. The author presents the specifics of the impact of presidential elections on the party system in such areas as: systemic influence, inter-party rivalry, as well as the formation of the internal situation of the party. The scope of this article does not cover the 1990 presidential elections. This is mainly due to the non-crystallised involvement of political parties in the presidential election. For this reason, the analysis has been limited to the presidential elections since 1995.
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Democracy, dynamics, and contemporary social changes in relation to it represent a constant and profound concern for contemporary sociology. This is happening in a context where the social universe constantly redefines the variables that construct a viable political system, which we will generically call participatory democracy. In the broadest possible context, we understand democracy as the political system of organizing the state and, implicitly, society, with its most pronounced aspects in relation to the development of contemporary societies and the respect for fundamental human rights. Human society is undoubtedly undergoing a profound transformation in its functionality in relation to democratic processes, with democracy itself being viewed through dimensions that are being reinterpreted in a very complex economic and political context. In this approach, we will try to see democracy as a fundamental human right, as a right that, in its practical sense, carries the meanings that arise from the value of civic and political participation as a valid indicator of the level of political culture within a society. In this context, we will refer to European societies, which are homogeneous in terms of political thinking but diverse in terms of participation in the democratic process in all its aspects.
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Europe has long dominated the world. The international system made up of sovereign States, born with the Treaties of Westphalia of 1648, was forged at a time when it claimed to embody a superior civilization, heir to Greek and Roman contributions. From 1683, its main competitor, the Turkish Empire, declined following its defeat at the Battle of Vienna. The way is therefore open to the expansion of the main European states in Africa and Asia, through the colonization of immense territories in the 19th century, culminating in the Berlin Conference of 1885, known as "the sharing of Africa”. The First World War put an end to this preponderance by highlighting the rise in power of the United States. And after a chaotic interwar period, the Second World War sounded the death knell for its supremacy by accelerating decolonization, and by cutting Europe into two blocs respectively dominated by the United States and the USSR. at this time of existential crisis that Europe, having emerged exhausted from the war, found the resources to try to reinvent itself. Two European organizations were created almost at the same time, with the common objective of restructuring the continent but with different and complementary means: the Council of Europe, created in 1949 with the project of rebuilding European civilization around defense human rights ; and the European Economic Community, founded in 1957 by the Treaty of Rome with the mission of gradually bringing European states closer together through economic integration. These two organizations have fulfilled their mission well. Although they helped to erase the scars of the Second World War, they did not succeed in restoring the past greatness of Europe as much as they would have liked. This observation can certainly be explained in part by causes external to them: with the globalization of economic exchanges, new powers have in fact appeared in the 21st century: the BRICS, a group of five countries which have met regularly since 2011 and which are from four of the five continents (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa). In August 2023, these five countries even agreed to welcome six other states into their group: Iran, Argentina, Egypt, Ethiopia, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. A new organization of the world is therefore taking shape, with this announced constitution of a new bloc decided to oppose the two “Western” powers embodied by the United States and the European Union. But this observation of failure can also be explained by internal causes of the two European organizations, whose projects today show an undeniable running out of steam. It is to their analysis that we propose to proceed, by successively reviewing the failures of the European Union (I) and the Council of Europe (II).
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U kontekstu svrsishodnog i uzročno-posljedičnog razumijevanja stanja u kome bosanskohercegovačko društvo i država jesu, valja ukazati na manifestne i latentne forme razaranja Bosne i svega bosanskog. Takva htijenja, aspiracije zla možemo razumjeti, između ostalog i jednom posebnom semiotikom, ali i metajezikom debosnizacije. U procesima dugotrajnog osporavanja autonomnosti i autohtonosti Bosne kao takve, uočavamo da je kulminacija vidljiva i u atacima na sam znak Bosne, sve što ima ime Bosne, bosanskog, kao što su vidljivi i ataci na ono što je u sadržaju Bosne, bosanskog
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Caught between its Chinese and British colonial history, Hong Kong’s path to self-actualization is unsure without preserving its tangible and intangible heritage. This paper examines the region’s several layers of heritage through the movement to preserve the Star and the Queen piers in 2007, using two theoretical frameworks, Abbas’ culture of disappearance and Tunbridge’s dissonant heritage. Despite the piers’ demolition, their role is vital in understanding conflicting histories and decolonizing the region’s identity.
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