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Tekst koji je pred vama bavi se uticajem EU integracija na poštovanje ljudskih prava LGBTIQ osoba u Crnoj Gori. Kako su same EU integracije na početku otvarile vrata saradnje između institucija sistema i aktivista/kinja za ljudska prava LGBTIQ osoba u Crnoj Gori, a tokom prethodnih pet godina realizovan je značajno veliki broj aktivnosti na ovom polju, zbog ograničenosti brojem strana ovog teksta isti ne sadrži detaljne informacije o svim događajima. Za izradu teksta su korišteni novinski članci, informacije dostupne putem interneta, zvanična dokumenta nevladinih organizacija i državnih Institucija koja su bila dostupni autoru, kao i zvanični podaci obavljenih istraživanja.
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Prikazani izvještaj o utjecaju procesa EU integracije na ljudska prava LGBT osoba u Republici Sloveniji se sastoji od tri dijela s obzirom na fazu procesa pristupanja Republike Slovenije Europskoj uniji. U prvom dijelu se nalazi analiza postojećih zakonskih propisa koje se odnose na seksualnu orijentaciju prije procesa pristupanja gdje se površno spominju zakonodavne promjene predstavljene nedugo nakon ostvarenog statusa nezavisnosti - prvi dio se fokusira na period između 1990. i 1996. Drugi dio sadrži analizu zakonodavnih promjena koje se odnose na seksualnu orijentaciju u periodu ulaska Slovenije u pregovore s Europskom unijom do 2004. kada je Republika Slovenija postala zvanična država članica Europske unije. Treći dio sadrži analizu perioda nakon pristupanja Slovenije. Izvještaj sadrži paralelnu analizu utjecaja različitih faktora na oblikovanje nacionalnih zakonskih propisa koji se odnose na seksualnu orijentaciju i rodni identitet sa fokusom na nacionalne vladine institucije, važne dokumente koje su izdale institucije Europske unije i LGBT nevladine organizacije i pokreti. Čimbenici koji su pridonijeli postojećem statusu zakonodavstva u Republici Sloveniji se ne mogu analizirati u zasebno jedni od drugih jer se različiti faktori na različitim razinama političkog i društvenog života neprekidno isprepliću, vežu i međusobno uvjetuju.
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Sasvim je logično i neophodno omogućiti da svaki obrazovni program posvećen političkom liderstvu sadrži i osvrt koji će predstaviti i objasniti ulogu i značaj lokalne samouprave u društvu, a naročito u društvu koje se smatra demokratskom zajednicom slobodnih građana i građanki. Također, svaki pojedinac i pojedinka koji shvataju i prepoznaju značaj aktivnog građanstva za razvoj društva u kojem žive, imaju obavezu da se upoznaju i uzmu aktivno učešće u životu svoje lokalne zajednice kroz postojeće organizacije i organe koji čine jedinicu lokalne samouprave.
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I appreciate very much the initiative to organise the conference on the issue concerning the crimes committed by the communist regimes. It is my pleasure to give an introduction to the basic legal aspects of the mentioned issue together with the special presentation of the legal analysis of the Lithuanian case. International crimes such as crimes against humanity, genocide and war crimes inevitably have to be dealt within the international legal context. They concern not only national measures to implement the justice but also depend on the efforts put forward by the international community to condemn them publicly and create sufficient international legal basis for the effective persecution. Let me first of all go through the general introduction into the notion of the international crimes and specifically crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide; secondly, I will address historical facts and legal instruments relevant in assessing crimes of the communist regimes; thirdly, I will analyse Lithuanian case as an illustration how the crimes of the occupation communist regime are dealt with in our national legal system; and finally, I will touch briefly the existing EU legislation related with a crime of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes and highlight the need for equal treatment of these crimes irrespective of their perpetrators (equal treatment of the crimes committed by Nazi and Soviet regimes).
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In 2009 Slovakia’s performance in the European Union was dominated by two themes: the changing structure and functioning of key EU institutions and a broader reflection of the first five years of the country’s EU membership in the context of new political and economic crises. This study provides a brief analysis of Slovakia’s preferences and roles during and after the European Parliament elections, in the formation of the European Commission and in the approval of the Lisbon Treaty. The study also offers a reflection of policy priorities of the Slovak Republic (SR) and its agenda resulting from the energy and economic crises. The study concludes with a summary of themes that are important for Slovakia’s successful performance within the EU in the near future.
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The year 2005 was the first whole year of Slovakia’s membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union and the first year of evaluation in this regard. The SR was able to react to the fundamental change of its political-security situation after the accession to NATO and the EU and despite several enduring problems Slovakia has achieved a number of considerable successes in the security and defense fields throughout this period. The National Council of the SR passed new security documents in September 2005 – The Security Strategy of the Slovak Republic and Defense Strategy of the Slovak Republic – while this year, Slovakia continued its active participation in 14 missions and operations, comprised of 563 members towards the end of the year.
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In 2010 Slovakia’s performance in the European Union was dominated by themes relating to the practical implementation of the Lisbon Treaty and the impacts of the financial and economic crises. Attitudes of Slovak politicians were significantly influenced by pre-election campaign in June 2010. The election year also affected domestic decisions on a bilateral loan to Greece and on the creation of the European Financial Stability Facility. At the end of 2010, the changes in powers of individual ministries were initiated including the transfer of competences in the area of European affairs from the Government Office of the Slovak Republic to the Slovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
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One of changes the recent years have brought to the planning and implementation of the SR’s foreign policy is its strong economization. This is linked not only to a permanent pressure on increasing efficiency of spending on a whole scale of activities in its execution but, in a broader sense, to the place, which the economy and its needs should occupy in the activities of constitutional actors, the government’s economic ministries, and the SR’s diplomatic missions abroad. Simultaneously, it is not just a matter of export support or the preparation of the legal basis for cooperation in various areas of the economy, which is the most commonly identified activity in this regard. Because we live in the era of globalization that is typified, inter alia, by a complex interconnection of all processes taking place in the economy, the needs and interests of the SR’s economy abroad are determined primarily by its basic qualities and secondarily by the program priorities of the governing administration. In this regard, the insufficient size of the Slovak market, the above-standard openness of the economy, and its dependence on the export performance are worth mentioning. However, we also need to react to the gap between the sector of the economy represented by foreign car producers (lately LCD-screen producers) and the remainder – the one-time production base of the Slovak economy – with clearly drawn capacity and assortment limits, on the overall weak segment of small and medium enterprises, on the sensibly undersized capital of Slovak businesses, on the only rare achievement of a high rate of the added value and the like. In addition, we need to mention the need to recognize the real capacity of SR’s economy, alternatively its individual businesses, the processes undergoing in the partner countries’ economies, but also in the global economy. The very simplified list of areas where a more significant presence of the economic diplomacy is needed can be expanded to include the pursuit of foreign investments, the real state of which can be best shown by a comparison with the results achieved by all the surrounding countries, or the need for a thorough knowledge of our European Union partners’ positions towards the EU’s economic policies and a possible creation of special purpose partnerships for building our positions on them. Nevertheless, new themes come into play, too, e.g. energy security or global climate change, as themes considerably economically determined, but equally economically determining. The activities of the SR’s political representation and foreign service need to be adapted to all that and, in particular, to the elimination of the current shortcomings. The substantive bulk of the economic dimension of diplomacy is formed by all this and much more regardless of the possibly varying approaches to its terminological outlining.
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In the past few years, the issue of EU institutional reform has been somehow connected with the document called The Treaty for Establishing a Constitution for Europe. As for this document, it can be said that 2005 was a year of ratification while 2006 was a year of reflection. However, the ratification did not proceed smoothly. The Constitutional Treaty was turned down by the citizens of the two member states in referenda. However, the reflection period did not mark any progress either – new ideas did not appear and no acceptable solution to the ‘constitutional crises’ was developed. Thus even in 2007, the European Union rolls its institutional ‘boulder’.
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The year 2005 was the first whole year of Slovakia’s membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union and the first year of evaluation in this regard. The SR was able to react to the fundamental change of its political-security situation after the accession to NATO and the EU and despite several enduring problems Slovakia has achieved a number of considerable successes in the security and defense fields throughout this period. The National Council of the SR passed new security documents in September 2005 – The Security Strategy of the Slovak Republic and Defense Strategy of the Slovak Republic – while this year, Slovakia continued its active participation in 14 missions and operations, comprised of 563 members towards the end of the year.
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The author analyzes legal solutions which regulate workers’ right to participate in the management of enterprises in the member states of the European Union and in former Yugoslav countries, as well as in enterprises which operate in at least two member states of the European Union.Functioning of the works councils, which is one of basic models of workers’participation, has been analyzed in the paper.The author analyzes national and the European Union legislations, and concludes that there are some differences in the forms of realization of workers’ participation, in the spheres of the composition of works councils,their election and authorities, but the basic principles are essentially the same and could be centered on the conclusion that workers have the right to be informed and consulted.Comparing national legislations of the member states of the European Union and those of the former Yugoslav countries, the author suggests solutions which could improve workers’ right to participation.
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The Republic of Croatia, as a maritime state, has a particular interest in following unification in the ordering of maritime law relation. The new maritime Code of the Republic of Croatia came into force on December 29, 2004.In mentioned act Republic of Croatia accepts new international conventions of maritime commercial and administrative law and legislates them as consistently as possible in domestic law. In the meantime, mentioned act was changed four times: in 2007, 2008, 2011 and 2013. The aim of changing was the same: following acquis communitaire in the fields of maritime safety of navigation and environment protection. In conclusion, we can say that new act represents an improvement in the development of the Croatian maritime law.
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Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie obecnej pozycji Polski na tle pozostałych państw, które razem z nią przystępowały do Unii Europejskiej (Cypr, Czechy, Estonia, Litwa, Łotwa, Malta Słowacja, Słowenia i Węgry), pod względem spełniania „kryteriów z Maastricht”. Odpowiednie wskaźniki, zaczerpnięte z bazy danych Eurostatu, ukażą pełną charakterystykę tego zagadnienia. Konwergencja prawna nie została w przeprowadzonej analizie uwzględniona.
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Kriteriji za članstvo također zahtijevaju da država kandidat mora stvoriti uslove za svoju integraciju kroz prilagođavanje svojih upravnih struktura, kao što je naglašeno na evropskom vijeću u Madridu 1995. godine. iako je važno da se zakonodavstvo evropske unije prenese na državno zakonodavstvo, još je važnije da se zakonodavstvo provodi na učinkovit način, putem odgovarajućih administrativnih i pravosudnih struktura. to je preduslov za međusobno povjerenje koje zahtijeva članstvo u EU. [...]
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Članstvo u Evropskoj uniji označeno je kao jedan od najvažnijih ciljeva vanjske politike Bosne i Hercegovine, čija realizacija je započeta Procesom stabilizacije i pridruživanja. navedeni proces je rezultat novog pristupa Evropske unije zemljama jugoistočne Evrope s ciljem kvalitetnijeg pružanja pomoći i omogućavanja brzog napretka u evropskim integracijama. dobrovoljnu harmonizaciju bosanskohercegovačkog zakonodavstva, započetu još 2000. godine, danas je zamijenilo obavezujuće usklađivanje domaćih propisa. ispunjavanje kriterija kojima je uvjetovano punopravno članstvo predstavlja prioritet Bosne i Hercegovine, koja trenutno ima položaj potencijalnog kandidata za članstvo u Evropskoj uniji. Pravni okvir napretka Bosne i Hercegovine u procesu evropskih integracija određen je Sporazumom o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju koji je potpisan u junu 2008. godine.
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Przedmiotem analizy w niniejszym artykule jest ocena wpływu wdrażanych procedur dotyczących środków wykonawczych Komisji Europejskiej na jakość tworzonych zapisów prawnych, a także na możliwość uwzględnienia interesów narodowych. Na przykładzie polskiej statystyki publicznej i wybranych rozwiązań prawnych autorzy podjęli próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy zmiany w komitologii poprawiły – tak jak to było oczekiwane – tempo prac oraz efektywność procedowania środków wykonawczych, czyli czy usprawniło to proces wprowadzania nowych rozwiązań w obszarze europejskiego systemu statystycznego, z korzyścią zarówno dla poszczególnych jego członków, jak i Eurostatu. Dodatkowo przedstawiono zalecenia, jakimi powinny kierować się krajowe urzędy statystyczne w przypadku procedowania nad środkami wykonawczymi Komisji.
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Obecny stan systemu kontroli wykorzystania funduszy unijnych w Polsce nie uwzględnia ewolucji, jakiej są poddawane mechanizmy wsparcia unijnego na rzecz rozwoju państwa członkowskiego. Zmiany te są warunkowane zarówno czynnikami o charakterze geopolitycznym, jak i społecznym. Celem artykułu jest zatem zaproponowanie rozszerzenia zakresu przedmiotu kontroli wykorzystania funduszy unijnych w Polsce z uwzględnieniem trzech aspektów: 1) zastosowania montaży finansowych z udziałem środków unijnych w projektach hybrydowych, 2) uwzględnienia w katalogu podmiotów uprawnionych do absorpcji unijnej nowej struktury samorządowej w Polsce – związku metropolitalnego, 3) wdrożenia przestrzegania zasady praworządności w kontekście wypłaty funduszy unijnych. W artykule zastosowano metodę krytycznej analizy dokumentów obejmujących zarówno źródła o charakterze legislacyjnym, jak i komentarzowym. Dotyczy ona okresu programowania unijnego 2007–2013 i 2014–2020. Wyniki analiz są zaprezentowane w normatywnym ujęciu ekonomii.
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On 15 July, the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) ruled in favour of Poland in a dispute over the legal status of the OPAL pipeline. The verdict means that Gazprom will not be allowed to use the full capacity of the Nord Stream 1 pipeline, which is connected to OPAL. The company will challenge this while also arguing that the completion and commissioning of Nord Stream 2 (NS2) is necessary for increased gas supplies to the EU.
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With the Polish and Hungarian veto on the so-called Multi-year Financial Framework, the lingering conflict between the EU and its member countries that would like to enjoy the economic benefits of the EU without respecting the values of the rule of law and democracy, has recently escalated to a new level. In sign of protest against the proposed new clause regarding the rule of law, at the negotiations marathon that took place this summer heads of states and governments have already demonstrated their significantly “softened” approach with respect to the previous proposals of the European Commission and the European Parliament. Namely, what happened is that Warsaw and Budapest had blocked not just the European budget for the next seven years, but also the assistance for economic recovery of member countries, which have been affected by the Covid-19 pandemic.
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