![ransitions Online_Around the Bloc- Azeri, Armenian Leaders Enlist Sons in Karabakh Conflict](/api/image/getissuecoverimage?id=picture_2018_41907.jpg)
ransitions Online_Around the Bloc- Azeri, Armenian Leaders Enlist Sons in Karabakh Conflict
Nikol Pashinyan lauds son’s decision to serve on the front line, declares Karabakh should be part of Armenia.
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Nikol Pashinyan lauds son’s decision to serve on the front line, declares Karabakh should be part of Armenia.
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Conflicts in the Middle East, as well as the global terrorist scourge, pose risks and threats to security and peace but, to the same extent, can represent for Romania a geopolitical opportunity from which our country can take advantage by taking an active role in solving the world crises. The geopolitical redefinition of Romania are related both to the global geopolitical conjuncture and to internal factors such as the population’s level of education or their ability to cooperate in the fulfillment of a nation-wide project. The multiplication of geopolitical actors, the emergence of regional crises in Eastern Europe and the Middle East, in particular through Russia's hybrid war in Ukraine and European Union, the scarcity of natural gases and oil resources, strengthening the role of international law and of international organizations through cooperation are all external factors beneficial to our country. From this perspective, my vision is to build and promote a new route for both energy and trade goods through Romania, thus solving the energy problems of the great geopolitical actors, whilst building a geopolitical profile predominant for our country.
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Dans cette étape de la globalisation intempestive et intéressée, mais, tout à fait, nécessaire et objective, de l’économies, de la finance, de la culture, il semblerait que la politique des sphères d’influence ne soit d’actualité non plus. Mais, quand-même, on résulte, de comportement effectif des grandes puissance économiques et militaires, de l’Alliance North-Atlantique et même-ci de nombreuses études sur les thèmes des relations internationales, que la politique des sphères d’influence, aujourd’hui, en son essence, n’est pas changé pas du tout, vis-à-vis de celle d’hier.
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The migration process has turned from a regional process into a global process removed migratory flow towards the West; from North Africa, Near and Middle East, severely affecting the security of Romania and the EU.
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La Mer Noir s’est très rapidement extraite de son quasi-isolation géopolitique et de son non-importance géostratégique et s’est transformée dans une région de risque extrêmement fluide. Ce n’est pas surement une surprise. Tant que la Russie percevait l’OTAN comme une menace, et USA et même l’Alliance considèrent que la Russie revienne, comme adversaire dangereuse, sur la panoplie de Zeus Mars, soit-il avec le pigeon de la paix en mains, c’est possible n’importe quel scenario, y compris la génération ou la régénération, même par accident, de la guerre nucléaire. Mais, jusque-là, il y a beaucoup de temps. Mais, de ça, il ne résulte pas que le vague d’insécurité qui s’est jeté sur la Mer Noir est ou peut être sans importance.
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To correctly understand relations between Russia, Poland and Ukraine, it is essential that Russia’s president focuses attention, not on shaping a new world order, but on establishing a political system that will ensure his long-term authoritarian governance, a system without alternatives accepted by the society. This kind of system is presented as Russia’s own original model of governance. Russia’s goal for Poland and Ukraine is to restore the international system based on ‘zones of infl uence’ for global powers.The international security system in the transitory period is quite often characterised by uncertainty, instability and a certain level of imbalance, leading to political unpredictability. Under these conditions, the old threats have not disappeared, but there are no new effective mechanisms and procedures to prevent and counteract new risks and challenges. These include the inspired secessions and rebellion wars that destabilise and weaken countries, and allow for achieving political, economic and military aims per procura – without involving your own armed forces in the territory of a state, against whom these measures are addressed. This requires managing executive groups of both transatlantic security and defence organisations to adopt innovative thinking. The starting point for effective implementation of the common strategy for building sustainable peace and security in Europe should be a common perception and understanding of threats by all countries of the transatlantic community.In the second decade of the 21st century, the major threats for international security are of a non-conventional nature. They appear primarily within nations and not between them. The source of these threats lies in violating democratic rules of governance and in trampling on universal values, as defi ned by Karl Deutsch more than 50 years ago for a pluralistic security community. Politicians have the right to expect thinkers, scholars and independent intellectuals to give answers and recommendations about how to respond qualitatively to new risks, threats and challenges.
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The Polish-Ukrainian relations between 2015 and 2018 have been different than commonly perceived. The tangible material cooperation (military, gas trade, transport, banking, labour market and education) is being developed more rapidly than before 2015. However, the dispute over the interpretation of history creates bad atmosphere between the two countries and determines the public perception of reality. The reasons for this situation, the threats it creates and the ways out are analysed in this article.
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The aim of the article is to present Ukraine’s path to European integration, whichwas taken during the independence period. Its choice of European direction in foreign policywas defined, among others, in the resolution of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine “On maindirections of foreign policy of Ukraine” of 1993, “Strategy for Ukraine’s integration into theEuropean Union” approved by the decree of the President of Ukraine in 1998, as well as theact “On internal and external policies” adopted by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine in 2010.The groundbreaking events on Ukraine’s path to European integration were: the signing of thePartnership and Cooperation Agreement in 1994 and the signing of the Association Agreementin 2014.
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With the launch of the European Neighbourhood Policy in 2004, the European Union has aimed for an expansion of its values with a wide range of its neighbouring countries. This paper deals with the European Eastern Partnership, a branch of this neighbourhood policy, which seems to be divided between different influences within the participating countries. Armenia, Azerbaijan and Belarus appear to be strongly linked to Russia, whereas Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine tend to a more European ideology. Nevertheless, the EU keeps a major role within the whole area. The goals set during an important Summit in 2017 reveal further actions that undoubtedly will help to achieve the process of a true and effective partnership with the neighbouring countries from the region of South Caucasus. This optimistic vision based itself on the fact that the EU will thrive if such relationships between different regions reach a concrete mutual support.
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Although the judgment in the British case Associated Provincial Picture Houses Ltd.Vs Wednesbury Corp was rendered seven decades ago, the case still lives on through debates on whether its central principle infringes on individual constitutional rights today. The Wednesbury unreasonable test is a standard utilized by the United Kingdom to establish if an administrative action was completely unreasonable. By reviewing verdicts where Wednesbury unreasonableness were enacted, it is argued that the courts did not apply a systematic and impartial approach as the proportionality test demands. This paper will provide a historical background of both the Wednesbury and Proportionality test while discussing the importance of judicial review. Moreover, the paper will compare both principles to prove that there is a necessity to change the test of judicial reform in the United Kingdom. This reform will also take into account the future development of the court systems within the European Union.
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In this paper the author attempts to analyze and interpret relations between Russian and Estonia. Using a historical and cultural lens he tries to identify and dissect problems and their cause so solutions can be mapped out for long lasting peace and stability so both countries can enjoy eudemonia.
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In 2007, the European Union launched a targeted Strategy for Central Asia, as a continuation of the efforts to improve the relations with the five post-soviet republics. The adoption in 2019 of a new EU Strategy for Central Asia offers the opportunity to include in the new strategic framework the lessons learned during the past decade of promoting the EU influence in the region, besides promoting measures to strengthen EU’s global posture. The aim of this paper is to evaluate the capacity of the EU to mobilise resources for its foreign policy goals, specifically in relation with Central Asia. In examining this idea, I will use the framework offered by the neoclassical realist theory, mainly because in relation to some foreign policy objectives, the EU can be assimilated to a state.
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One of the causes that make it difficult to develop a relationship of trust and cooperation for peace and on issues of common interest or global issues, and the lack of a set of initiatives, projects and solutions agreed by the two countries to meet expectations the world for the preservation of a peaceful and stable international environment, is the current "dissension" between the new Trump administration and the American media (or a part of it, plus what analysts call the "strange coalition" - the Democrats and some of the Republicans dissatisfied with Trump's "soft policy towards Russia" -). Thus, there is a strong tendency in the United States to tighten the punitive diplomatic tone towards Russia, to look at it as "America's eternal opponent," for which the solution would be the firm re-entry of American diplomacy into the "New Cold War" continuing the encirclement doctrines of Russia, even with the risk of straining to the extreme multipolar world. The Trump presidency is currently facing a permanent and very intense internal pressure to embrace the harsh, traditional (already) traditional Cold War paradigm line and to abandon any attempt to sweeten or open (in a broad sense of mind) in the relationship with Russia. From this prism, the feature of the Trump administration's mandate to be strongly impeded in developing any strategy to build trust in bilateral relations, cooperation and dialogue, confidence building and advancement of dialogue on topics of common interest, from the "soft" political line to Russia. However, due to the fluctuating nature of Russia-US bilateral relations, which demonstrates that the firm strategic decision of the Trump administration to "reject and punish Russia" has not yet emerged in the Cold War logic, but there is a willingness to dialogue, openness and cooperation with Russia, we cannot say with certainty that we are witnessing the entry into the new Cold War and the inevitable confrontation between the two powers (a paradigm in which a large part of the two countries' institutions are accustomed to acting).
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In political science an accent on individuals (political leaders) in researching politics is neither popular nor advocated one. In authoritarian countries like Russia or China, however, political leaders and their personalities are a crucial factor in trying to understand the political processes there. Both Vladimir Putin in Russia and Xi Jinping in China have dominated their respective political systems. This, combined with good state of Russia-China relations makes it an interesting case study of the influence of political leaders on authoritarian countries. Both Putin and Xi are new type of leaders: they both follow the main ideas of political realism (though with “national differences”) and they share a 19th century outlook on the global affairs (“concert of powers”) yet they use contemporary means to fulfil these interests. Their personal understanding provides a predictability and stability: both Putin and Xi function in accordance with balance of power and respect for zones of influence concepts. That is why differences in other spheres, like Russia’s and China’s approaches to the USA do not influence the general good mood of Sino-Russian relationship.
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Paper Leadership in the Eurasian Economic Union is an attempt to analyse and discuss the subject of leadership in a given organization. The author, initially, thinksabout the definition of leadership, then characterizes organization. Subsequently,there is an analysis of who may have a real impact on the shape and policy of EAEU– the structure of the union, presidents of member countries, prime ministers oralso the so-called gray eminences such as Professor Dugin.
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Nowadays it is no surprise to anyone that PRC is put on an equal footing with theUSA. Current geopolitical situation is changing in inordinately dynamic way. Thesituation from a few years ago seems to be very different from what we have now.In a new, multipolar world China plays an increasing role. It has become the second world’s economy after USA. There are many reasons that contributed to thecurrent situation and it is not possible to address all of them in one thesis. Nonetheless, the important thing is to understand the reasons why China is becominga geopolitical power.The aim of this work is to analyze the strong and ceaselessly increasing China’sposition at the national level. Firstly, the changes that occurred in China over thepast 70 years were analyzed. Analysis of the historical context helps to understandthe dynamics of China’s growth as well as immense potential of this country. Thenext part of the work addresses the events that took place in 21st century with particular focus on 2008 crisis as well as its policy and economic implications that arenoticeable in the present day. This part of the work also includes the assessment ofChina’s dynamic development. In this work there is also a description of China’sOne Belt, One Road Initiative. Financial institutions associated with initiative aswell as the opportunities for Europe connected with huge funds were described.The work is based on the latest literature on the topic, online articles and statistics retrieved from People’s Republic of China’s official statistics website availablein Chinese. 78 A R T Y K U ŁYThe work shows that China plays an essential role in the new balance of power.Due to dynamic changes in the global balance of power China can become a leading superpower in the nearest future.
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The article presents analysis of the development of China’s soft power in Central Asia. Since 2005, China has been trying to promote Chinese language and culture in Central Asia. Institutes of Confucius began to appear in the region. There are currently 13 of them. More and more youth from this region are learning Chinese. They also go to China to study at Chinese universities. Learning Chinese language increases the prospects of professional development and employment for people from the region. However, China still has a long way to achieve a satisfactory level of promoting its culture in the region. There are accusations that Beijing wants to train the Central Asian elites in line with the Chinese model. Central Asian states are, however, particularly sensitive to their cultural heritage. Cultural independence is among the foreign policy priorities of these countries. Beijing should continue to increase efforts to create a positive image in the countries of the region. The new Silk Road is becoming an important element of diplomacy to promote Chinese soft power.
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The South China Sea is one of the key interests of Chinese foreign policy. The author of the provided article will analyse geopolitical factors, including estimation of the total value of the resources of the South China Sea, further providing the reader with information about international law regulations regarding the analysed matter, as well as presenting the current situation on the South China Sea. During the realisation of said plan, the author will try to prove the thesis that the South China Sea is of utmost importance to the Republic of China, the thesis that international law is unable to resolve disputes arising from said sea, as well as the thesis that Chinese presence is gradually increasing on the South China Sea. After proving all of the highlighted theses, the author will present the most probable political forecast, as well as opinions presented in literature regarding this matter
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The essence of the internal geopolitics of the Russian Federation and its influence on the foreign policy of Moscow is analyzed in the article. It was found that on the background of Russian nationalism the activation of separatist sentiments in the Russian national autonomies had occurred, particularly in the North Caucasus (Chechnia, Dahestan). Eventually, it caused two Chechen wars, as well as to the formation of dissatisfaction with the Center’s actions in Tatarstan, South and East Siberia and others. However, after internal politics and internal economy shocks of the 1990th Russia has outlined a course to restore the status of a great state. An important factor for the Russian government is the support of its foreign policy by the population. It is traced that the level of electoral support of the Russian president entirely depends on the success of the Russian Federation on the international arena. Kremlin actively cultivates and uses imperial mood of society in order to justify the return of its “unjustly deprived” great power status. Therefore, governmental expansionist geostrategy obtains active support among the intelligentsia and broad social strata.
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