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An essay on peace and war, in the context of the Ukraine conflict.
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This paper investigates the Indo-Pak relationship through the lens of structural realism explaining the conflicting situation which has been going on between them for the past seventy years and has affected their relationship ever since the time of their independence in 1947. Though, sharing the same border, tensions have often risen between these two South Asian super powers at times relating to several changing factors from time to time which have escalated their dispute. The sole motive of this paper has been to closely focus upon these major factors and analyse them through various qualitative approaches in order to explain this complex relationship and how it has deteriorated over these years. As a matter of fact, the paper finally draws upon certain conclusions of instability, armed hostility, vested interests of various international actors and lack of commitment as reasons to prove a sense of suspicion upon one another eventually causing this troubled relationship.
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This paper examines China's public relations strategy of "panda diplomacy." The research used secondary sources to examine the role of panda diplomacy in Chinese public diplomacy. China's panda diplomacy is a unique tool for public diplomacy that may be used to spread Chinese culture to a global audience and create friendly bilateral relations between the nations where it is implemented. Compared to Confucius institutes or student exchanges, it has a greater impact on the perception of China in the international community. Panda diplomacy can assist China achieve its public diplomacy aims, demonstrating its efficacy as a tool for public diplomacy. As a result of this study, a better understanding of China's soft power and public diplomacy can be gained by studying the relationship between panda diplomacy and political ties.
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Cooperarea europeană în domeniul apărării a înregistrat în ultima perioadă progrese semnificative atât din perspectivă operațională, cât și în ceea ce privește dezvoltarea capabilităților de securitate și apărare. În acest context, se plasează lansarea unor inițiative în care problema capabilităților este abordată prin orientarea formulelor de cooperare multinaționale către acoperirea deficitelor identificate în cadrul procesului de planificare derulat sub egida Politicii de Securitate și Apărare Comună. Un rol determinant pentru succesul acestui demers îl are Cooperarea Structurată Permanentă (PESCO), inițiativă lansată la 13 noiembrie 2017, prin Notificarea Comună semnată de miniștrii de externe și ai apărării din 25 de state membre UE. Expresie a caracterului interguvernamental al dimensiunii de securitate și apărare la nivelul Uniunii Europene, PESCO a evoluat rapid către o platformă de cooperare între statele membre pentru dezvoltarea capabilităților de apărare, acoperind o gamă largă de domenii. Astfel, în mai puțin de cinci ani de funcționare, sub egida PESCO au fost inițiate 60 de proiecte de cooperare. De asemenea, la sfârșitul lunii februarie 2022 a fost activată în context operațional prima capabilitate dezvoltată sub auspiciile acestei inițiative. Aceste aspecte sunt de natură să evidențieze potențialul pe care Cooperarea Structurată Permanentă îl poate angaja în susținerea procesului de dezvoltare a profilului și contribuției UE în domeniul securității și apărării.
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Dezvoltarea profilului UE în domeniul securității și apărării a reprezentat o constantă a ultimelor două decenii, fiind unul dintre proiectele cele mai dinamice ale integrării europene. Pe aceste coordonate, ultimii ani au consemnat progrese semnificative, ilustrate atât prin derularea unui număr semnificativ de operații civile și militare, în diferite perimetre geografice, cât și prin lansarea unor inițiative de cooperare în domeniul capabilităților de apărare, respectiv al cercetării în acest domeniu. Cadrul de raportare al acestor evoluții a cunoscut, de asemenea, schimbări majore, integrate în procesul de realizare a Bazei Industriale și Tehnologice de Apărare Europeană (EDTIB). După o etapă de structurare conceptuală derulată între anii 2007-2013, profilul acestui construct s-a maturizat accelerat în ultimii ani, oferind perspective consistente în ceea ce privește susținerea obiectivelor asumate de UE în domeniul securității și apărării. În acest sens, au fost elaborate proiecte practice privind capabilitățile și cercetarea în domeniul apărării, prin intermediul EDTIB, în acord cu agenda Politicii de Securitate și Apărare Comune. Un rol extrem de important îl reprezintă consolidarea potențialului financiar asociat EDTIB pentru susținerea proiectelor și inițiativelor de cooperare. Utilizarea resurselor bugetului Uniunii Europene, stimulată în contextul EDTIB, reprezintă o schimbare strategică de paradigmă în care cooperarea europeană a evoluat până acum. Rezultatele înregistrate până în prezent indică viabilitatea abordării, susținută prin interesul statelor membre de aprofundare a acestei tendințe, inclusiv prin consolidarea investițiilor în domeniul apărării și finalitate industrială.
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The existence and development of transnational companies, transnational monopolies, the values of mergers and acquisitions, largely determine the global economy, the needs of global society, with the corresponding institutions and mechanisms. The involvement of states in a global relations system generates profound changes in the configuration of nation states, in reducing their subsequent role vis-à-vis international, interstate organizations and transnational corporations, but also in the resettlement of power positions in international relations systems. Globalization as a process constitutes, beyond the objectivity of the expansion of communications and the information revolution, a political problem with implications in all fields of activity, including the military.
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Interview by Philipp Blom with Serhij Plohij and Timothy Snyder
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Kako objasniti trajnu Prisutnost imperijalnog Naslijeđa u političkom Životu Rusije i njegov utjecaj na ruski nacionalizam? S time se bavim više od deset godina. Kombinacija ruskog nacionalizma i imperijalne svijesti pospješuju Razvoj jednog posebnog fenomena u Rusiji, Koji se može nazvati »imperijalni Nacionalizam «. Ovaj termin možda zvuči čudno, barem za one iz zapadnjačke sveučilišne tradicije naviknute da nacionalizam analiziraju kao jedan od čimbenika koji se sukobljava s imperijima, kao čimbenik Koji sudjeluje u uništavanju imperijalnog sustava. Međutim, u ruskom kontekstu, imperijalni nacionalizam koji podupire imperijalne težnje zaista postoji, a pojavio se u više navrata – nedavno se smjelo manifestirao nakon što je Ruska Federacija 2014. Pripojila Krim. Drugo desetljeće 2000-ih započelo je s političkim događajima koji su, za mnoge, pretkazali zamjenu imperijalnog nacionalizma s jednim novim (za Rusiju) antiimperijalističkim ruskim nacionalizmom. Ove su nade porasle s usponom pokreta demokratske opozicije i sudjelovanjem ruskih nacionalista u političkim prosvjedima, koji su započeli u prosincu 2011. Posljedični poraz tog novog, protuvladinog, antisovjetskog ruskog nacionalizma, još jednom je potaknuo promišljanje razloga za stabilnost imperijalne komponente u ruskom nacionalizmu, zapravo u čitavom suvremenom ruskom društvu.
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Ruska strategija u Ukrajini pokazuje ofenzivnu Upotrebu nuklearnoga odvraćanja, Koja se više ne sastoji u plašenju uzvratom, već u postavljanju Ultimatum čiji je cilj natjerati protivnika da popusti kako bi se izbjegla eskalacija. Neophodno je da Europa uspostavi novu sigurnosnu arhitekturu, koja bi uključivala zajedničke strategije odvraćanja. U članku objavljenom u ovom časopisu četiri godine nakon prve vojne invazije na Ukrajinu i aneksije Krima od strane ruskoga Čelnika Vladimira Putina, naglašavao sam da pomažemo, od dolaska potonjeg na vlast 1999., u preispitivanju uloge dodijeljene nuklearnom oružju. To je osobito izraženo od aneksije Krima, ruskih vojnih vježbi koje ne isključuju moguću i brzu upotrebu nuklearnog oružja u slučaju sukoba. Još k tome, primjećujemo da je concept »odvraćanja « u Rusiji jako široko prihvaćen: sposobnost da se protivnika ograniči da djeluje, da ga se ukroti, kako upotrebom konvencionalnoga oružja u hibridnom ratu, tako i zastrašivanjem, što je blisko vezano uz moguću upotrebu nuklearnog oružja. Jedno od temeljnih pitanja današnjice je instrumentalizacija te doctrine u okviru konvencionalnoga konfllikta visokog intenziteta.
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Rat koji je 25. Veljače 2022. Godine Vladimir Putin, predsjednik Ruske Federacije, Pokrenuo kao totalnu invaziju na Ukrajinu nastojeći je pokoriti i iznova uspostaviti drugu formu »sovjetskoga carstva« u Europi, predstavlja logiku moći, mase i brutalnosti posttotalitarnoga doba. Izraz koji sam ovdje upotrijebio izvorno se nalazi u fragment 10 [37] (168) iz Nietzscheove Ostavštine. Na primjeru Zole i Wagnera mislilac prevladavanja metafizike kao nihilizma nastoji opisati temeljne značajke modernoga doba. U djelima ovih umjetnika otvara se, dakle, logika, masa i brutalnost. Umjesto pojma logike primjerenije je ovdje govoriti o moći. Jer logika moći jest logika osvajanja geopolitičkoga prostora kao neoimperijalne mreže događaja, a ne jednom zauvijek uspostavljenih poredaka političke vladavine. Moć se, dakle, pojavljuje u uvremenosti u formi težnje za totalnim ovladavanjem Drugime kao kolonijalnim podanikom, vazalom, nacijom-državom bez istinskih značajki teritorijalne suverenosti.
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The purpose of the article is to explain the factors influencing the process ofeconomic integration in Africa in the 21st century, with particular reference to theAfrican Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). The article identifies opportunities andthreats to this process, and attempts to identify possible outcomes of economicintegration in Africa. AfCFTA is the largest such zone in the world, taking into accountthe number of participating countries. Success in achieving the objectives of AfCFTAcan significantly change the structure of African economies, and indirectly improve theposition of African countries in world trade. In a broader aspect, apart from theeconomic one, AfCFTA may be an instrument that strengthens actions aimed at meetingserious social challenges (reduction of the number of people living in poverty,improvement of the quality of life of the population). In the long run, if consistentintegration efforts are maintained and obstacles to full economic integration areovercome, Africa can be expected to accelerate the pace of socio-economic developmentand make a profound structural change to its economy. However, it appears, whenconsidering the social and economic challenges that still need to be addressed, that thesigning and entry into force of the AfCFTA alone is an insufficient step to decisivelychange Africa's position on the global stage, including increasing its share of globaltrade.
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The current phase of international politics is frequently seen as a period ofincreasing multipolarization. Faced with this, it is appropriate to ask what the doctrineof the United States is in relation to the size of the Western hemisphere and therefore tothe future of relations with Latin America. The IX Summit of the Americas revealed aneo-Monroian trend in the United States, which is not surprising, however, when weconsider the two-faced nature of North American international politics. This article aimsto interpret the North American speech at the IX Summit of the Americas in light of thenew international context and the US approaches in international politics.
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Russia’s recent aggressions against Ukraine have resurfaced the importance of NATO’s Eastern Flank. Modern capabilities with allied presence are considered essential in order to assure deterrence for not just Eastern Europe but for the entire continent. However, the actual areas that pose a risk and threat on the Eastern Flank have longed been deemed differently. For the Northern part of the Flank, around the Baltic Sea, due to Poland’s geopolitical agenda and the Baltic States' geographical position NATO has always considered strengthening this area a priority. Romania is part of the Eastern Flank but is situated in an area that has not always been considered a major strategic challenge, that of the Southern part of the Eastern Flank, around the Black Sea. The aim of this paper is to present Romania’s view to the importance of the Black Sea, from a political, military, and economic point of view, to analyze the country’s push during NATO summits for strengthening this area, and to understand what the future is for this region, after introducing the Black Sea area in the NATO Strategic Concept, following the NATO summit from Madrid.
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The author appreciates that the subject of this article may be of interest to politicians, the military and the general public. After the annexation of Crimea in 2014 by the Russian Federation by combining several methods of the so-called "Hybrid War", the oppressiveness of the Kremlin team, controlled with an iron hand by Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin, became more and more evident. The launch of the invasion of Ukraine, without any plausible reason on 24.02.2022, proves even to the last skeptics that Russia has begun the restoration of the U.S.S.R. 2.0. and perhaps more than that, trampling down with history confirmed brutality anything that opposes it. In this context, the concerns for Romania and for other countries in the so-called "close neighborhood" by Russia have increased dramatically. The facts require urgent measures and forms of countering the aggressor, primarily by NATO and the EU.
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The Russian invasion of Ukraine marks the point of no return of the transition of order in world politics. The first three sections of this article address the implication at the heart of this topic, that is, the reconfiguration of world coalitions at the initial stage of the transition phase. The next three sections analyse the impact of the Western coalition reconfiguration on the EU. Based on the analysis of CFSP texts published before the war in Ukraine and after the start of the war, the article assesses the consistency of the actions of EU countries with the position expressed by the EU texts. The objectives and interests of the EU institutions and member states’ governments are rarely perfectly homogeneous and normally not fully consistent with each other in the face of a serious external challenge. Sharing how to respond to the Russian invasion proves difficult because the implications of the invasion are broader than violating the sovereignty and territorial integrity of a non-EU European country. Many praise the level of unity achieved by the EU, but the conclusion of the present analysis shows that sharing strong Western coalition ties might represent a temporary undertaking of EU countries.
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Turkey is the only NATO member country in the Middle East region that actively participates in all its missions. The Russia-Ukraine war has clearly put the adoption of appropriate measures to further strengthen security on NATO's agenda. In the conditions of this ongoing war, the question of expanding the Transatlantic Alliance was raised. Two countries, Finland and Sweden, which have maintained military neutrality until now, have expressed their desire to join NATO.Turkey was against it. The Turkish president used as an argument against Finland and Sweden joining NATO that he accused these countries of supporting terrorism. But Turkey soon changed its position, supported the membership of Finland and Sweden in NATO and even signed an agreement with these countries.
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In March 2014, after the overthrow of the pro-Russian government of Viktor Yanukovych and the establishment of a new, pro-Western government in Ukraine, the Russian Federation annexed the Crimean peninsula, until then a part of Ukraine. The act of annexation itself was portrayed differently in European countries, and this paper investigates the media portrayal in Croatia, Hungary and Serbia. Content analysis of articles and media publications from relevant internet portals in the researched countries was used as a research method. According to the results of the analysis of the content, it was observed that the annexation of Crimea in Croatia is presented in accordance with pro-Western policies, in Hungary certain domestic objectivities stand out, while in Serbia pro-Russian positions are mostly noticed in the reporting.
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