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Turkey’s relationship with the European Union (EU) has a long history that reaches back to its application for associate membership in the European Economic Community (EEC) in July 1959 and the resulting Ankara Agreement in 1963. Turkey made its official membership application in 1987 and was granted official candidate status in 1999.Throughout this long process, Turkish political elites perceived EU membership as an ideal for Turkey and highlighted their commitment to their realization of Turkish accession to the EU. However this ideal, began to change towards the second half of the 2000s. Many commentators take October 2005 the official start of membership negotiations between Turkey and the EU, as the beginning of the end, the turning point where the ‘golden age’ of the EU membership project ended, after which it gradually began to Euroscepticism. There are more than enough reasons for the growing Euroscepticism in Turkey. In this context, the study aims to analyze the reasons of Euroskepticismin Turkey with particular focus on Adalet ve KalkınmaPartisi-AKP (Justice and Development Party) and how this suspicion would affect the membership course.
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The case-study deals with representations of a young supporter of United Russia, Svetlana Kuritsyna (a.k.a. «Sveta from Ivanovo») in the discourse of the Snow revolution in Russia. The author points out that her image was exploited by both the protesters and authorities in political mobilization. The article demonstrates the liberal opposition’s attitudes to the Russian province that shapes social support of the protests.
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28–29 октября 2013 г. в Институте всеобщей истории РАН состоялась научная конференция «Перенос столицы: Исторический опыт геополитического проектирования», организованная центром исторической географии и центром по подготовке «Всемирной истории» ИВИ РАН.
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This article uses the example of constructivist architecture to show how radical utopianism influenced postwar plans for the large-scale transformation of the built environment in a significant but highly fragmentary fashion. Rather than dominating a longer period and slowly fading away, constructivism recurred in Hungary in several short but intensive episodes. The analysis focuses on two crucial episodes—plans for the post-1945 reconstruction of Budapest and the construction of a “strip house,” a massive collective housing superbloc — to show how constructivism came to be coupled with various social and political agendas that often caused its demise; yet it left a complex and lasting legacy even when it failed. The article also argues that the zigzag trajectory of postwar constructivist architecture is largely a function of Hungary’s interstitial geopolitical and cultural position between East and West. As a result, Hungary, together with other Central European countries, offers an example that can illuminate the nonlinear ways in which intellectual ideas and cultural models circulate on regional and global scales.
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The paper examines the set of research problems in contemporary Russian Gender Studies in Political Sciences, the current status and perspectives of developing this research field in Russia. The authors dwell upon gender methodology in Political Sciences and an alyze main Russian scholars’ research areas in the field: gender in political attitudes and behavior in Russia and abroad, gender in Russian political processes, woman movement and feminism, influence of gender on Russian politics, gender asymmetry, gender aspects of nationalism and geopolitics.
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Bringing inter-Asia cultural studies into conversation with Asian American critique, this paper aims to reframe the critical analysis of the scattered hegemonies of US imperialism in articulating the transpacific historical interconnections. Rather than privileging the US as a primary site of investigation and critique, I draw careful attention to the Cold War conditions of inter-Asian migration as an entry point for discussing how the geopolitics of Taiwanese modernity, from the Cold War up to neoliberal globalization, are inextricably linked to Japanese colonialism, US militarism and modernization, and Chinese globalization. To develop my theoretical and historical (re)conceptualization of “Asia” in Asian/American studies, I look at how migrant narrative of migrant workers in the nonfiction novel “Our Stories” speak to the power dynamics of the US Cold War involvement in Asia, neoliberal globalization, and Taiwan subimperialist relations with its neighboring countries. Whereas Asian American cultural critique offers a new analytics to enable a reconceptualization of Asian America without confining it to an identitarian category, inter-Asia studies redirect critical attention to the historical undercurrents of inter-Asia geopolitics that are largely obscured by the dominant knowledge paradigm of the US Cold War politics in the regions of Asia Pacific.
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The paper is devoted to the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), which is also called the Transatlantic Free Trade Area (TAFTA). The problem is whether TTIP should be created, and if yes, what shape it should take, and how it will affect the economies of the European Union (EU) and the United States (US). The aim of the paper is to answer the questions: what is the essence of the TTIP agreement, what reasons for this project are and what consequences will it have? At first, the authors present a declining role of the EU and the US in the global economy. Next, they analyse trade and investment flows between the EU and the US. Then, they analyse main motives for TTIP and present the course of TTIP negotiations. In the next section, the authors discuss the main barriers to the economic relations between the EU and the US. Then, they deal with controversies around the protection of investment and with concerns and risks arising from TTIP. In the final section, the authors analyse political consequences of launching TTIP. The authors conclude that the establishment of a free trade area covering the EU and the US could contribute to economic recovery on both sides of the Atlantic. The combination of lower production costs in the US with the highest European technological potential is a prerequisite for the production of excellent products at competitive prices and their sales in international markets, which in turn can stop the trend of decline in the role of the EU and the US in the world trade. The TTIP would also strengthen transatlantic political ties and make the voice of the EU and the US more powerful in the process of searching solutions of many problems of the modern world. The authors use descriptive and analytical method of analysis based on journal articles, information obtained from the Internet and publications of international organizations.
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In the 1970s Islamic financial system based on religious belief emerged in some of Muslim countries. The purpose of the Islamic financial system is just like in the case of the conventional one, to facilitate the smooth flow of funds between savers and investors. The aim of this paper is to analyse the opportunities and challenges for development of Islamic banking in the European Union countries.
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When one compares the lots of two great European authors of the first half of the 20thcentury – the German poet Gottfried Benn (1886–1956) and the Polish-Jewish fiction writer Bruno Schulz (1892–1942) – at first sight their lives seem quite different and incomparable. Still, it is enough to reach under the surface of the so-called historical facts to realize that in some respects the two writers are indeed close to each other. Asregards politics and history, a common denominator of their biographies was Nazism as an emanation of pure evil from provincial East-Central Europe, and its belief that human nature may be improved which the historical process makes it possible to develop great geopolitical systems, even at the cost of suspending all ethical principles. A starting point for that daemonic parochial activism is mostly the “provincial spirit of utopia” or,to be precise, its irresistible “realistic nihilism,” to borrow a term coined by the Serbian philosopher Radomir Konstantinovic.
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Although the Geneva Conventions were adopted in 1949, humanity has experienced an alarming number of armed conflicts on almost all continents. During that period, the four adopted Geneva Conventions as well as the Additional Protocols from 1977 provide legal protection for persons who do not participate or who have stopped directly participating in hostilities (civilians, wounded, sick, etc.). But despite the legal protection provided in this way, we have witnessed in the last two armed conflicts in Ukraine and Palestine that there are numerous violations of such agreements that resulted in suffering and numerous human losses that could have been avoided if the principles of international humanitarian law were respected. What also prevails as an opinion when international regulation is observed is that infringements of international rules and principles of action do not result from their inadequacy or because they are inappropriate but from the lack of will, insufficient means to ensure their application, ambiguities regarding their application in certain circumstances, as well as the lack of awareness of the necessary need for their application among political leaders, military commanders and the wider public. The previously stated often applies also to other areas of the regulation of international relations, but the difference in relation of failure to comply with the legal regulation in these areas (for example international business law) and failure to comply with international military and humanitarian law is paid with human lives and suffering. What are the most common violations of international humanitarian law and what consequences do such violations cause is the purpose of the research presented in this paper, but also providing answers and recommendations on how to "force" states even in military conflicts to respect and protect basic human rights of civilians. This will also help in a creation of usable knowledge and values that should be respected and practiced in every single military conflict. In the part of the methodology, the paper was prepared based on an extensive analysis of the basic rules and principles of international humanitarian law and how they are respected in the latest military conflicts that have engulfed the world. Through the research, one of the findings that is defined is that the implementation of the principles of the international humanitarian law countries often refer to ratification, so on the one hand, for example, the Geneva Conventions are universally accepted by all countries, but the same cannot be said for Additional Protocols, so they, by not acceding to ratification, the states consider that they have no legal obligation to implement them. Also, one of the insights or conclusions to which the paper refers is that international humanitarian law still contains customary rules that should be respected in any conflict, and which are based on the principle of protection of basic human rights and freedoms and which in any case should be respected and applied regardless of whether the states are in military conflicts or are in peace, especially today in the 21st century regarding the level of development of international relations. Strengthening the role of the International Criminal Court in the direction of creating an international practice that will prevent violations of international humanitarian and military law and the creation of new crimes against humanity is also one of the recommendations that should strengthen the system of application of the principles and the rules of international regulations in military conflicts.
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The attitude of the The article deals with the relations built by the Austro-Hungarian military and civilian authorities during 1916-1918, in relation to the Muslim and Catholic populations as well as the respective clergy. The author expresses the opinion that Austria-Hungary followed two lines of attitude towards religious beliefs in Albania. On the one hand, the Austro-Hungarian military authorities despised the Albanian Muslim population and tended to side with the Catholic population. On the other hand, the civil authorities and in particular the Civil Commissioner August Ritter von Kral tried to take into account the religious relations within the country, as they were clear that maintaining a unilateral stance could trigger a civil civil war in Albania. Even regarding the issue of the independence of the Albanian Muslim clergy, there was a difference in the attitude held by the military and civil authorities. The leading military circles were for the establishment of the Albanian Muslim clergy under the subordination of Reis-Ul-Ulema of Sarajevo in Bosnia. Meanwhile, the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Affairs Minister Stephan Burian von Rajecz and the Civil Commissioner Kral drafted the project for the appointment of an Albanian chief mufti to direct the affairs of the Muslim religion in Albania. At the beginning of the occupation of Albania, Vienna expressed reluctance to the idea of appointing a local chief mufti in this country. However, from the autumn of 1916 to the end of 1918, Austro-Hungarian civil authorities worked tirelessly and uninterruptedly for the independence of Muslim Albanians from the dependence of Sheikh ul-Islam of Istanbul, increasing the level of preparation and national awareness of the Albanian Muslim clergy, as well as for the institutionalization and consolidation of the structure of the Mufti of Albania. and its clergy during 1916-1918
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More than a century from the declaration of independence the Albanian state and society have not yet concluded the process of appraising their founding fathers. During the communist period these historical figures were judged primarily on ideological grounds or on the political attitude they and their families held during the monarchy years and WWII. A large part was denigrated, overlooked or even erased from the country’s public memory in compliance with the political guidelines of the time. The establishment of the pluralist system marked a new encounter of the state and society with the signers of the Declaration of Independence, their contribution, biography, life and professional activity. This paper deals with the process of reassessing some of the main historical figures of Independence, the features of the political developments and the institutions’ attitude towards this process, the negative influence caused by political interests and the lack of commonly accepted criteria of reassessment. The tendency to establish links with the independence’s personalities, their later political views and the present political attitudes, not only delayed the process but also crippled the collective public and state memory. In this paper we will argue that the attitude towards Independence and the system of historical values are disproportional, subjective and politically motivated, and as a result almost three decades after the change in the political system, the account of Independence remains incomplete. The closure of this process through a social reflection and a professional and academic approach would have a positive influence on the national memory and the state and civil culture in general.
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The first election, nonetheless were kept in a very unsuitable time for Albania, and would create the first true Albanian parliament, elected by free political elections. However, the Albanian political class still has not make it own this essential law of the democratic governance. It was far away from the spirit and soul of the debate development and political struggle within the framework of the parliament and constitutional norms limits. At the eve of first election juxtaposition, was observed a rapid political development, were formed the first political groups and affirmed a relatively qualitative press, through which, were manifested political ideas and platforms. This political qualitative step, was coming after the creation of an inner security and from the efforts to realize the political philosophy of Lushnja’s Congress. In these conditions, were intensified the efforts to keep a regular election process, that in those conditions was an important development. Except other things, this gave to Albania a positive image in the eyes of the skeptical westerners, and also served to the Albanian politics, because the electoral competition would bring a confrontation of ideas between the political forces. The new election for the Albanian Parliament gave the possibility to the political forces, to do for the first time, a competitive campaign.
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Kohë të ndryshme por synime të njëjta, si nga shqiptarët dhe nga serbët prandaj dhe përpjekjet pavarësisht nga veçoritë e nuancat kanë qenë të ngjashme. Le të bëjmë një skicë të shkurtër pa zbritur në kohë më herët se viti 1944, vit kur shqiptarët u ballafaquan me regjimin komunist të shtetit të ri jugosllav të RFSJ.
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The CJEU’s final ruling in the OPAL case underscores the evolution of the solidarity principle from a political guideline to an autonomous legal tenet, significantly impacting Member States’ energy decisions. This paper critically examines the legal implications and challenges arising from the reinterpretation of the energy solidarity principle in the OPAL case, which concluded in the summer of 2021. Focused on Article 194 TFEU, the research delves into the question of balance between EU and Member States’ authority in energy policymaking, especially amidst divergent views on external energy relations with Russia. Against the backdrop of geopolitical shifts and responses to the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, this study sheds light on the legal repercussions for the Member States’ energy decisions in the aftermath of the OPAL case, exploring nuanced challenges in fostering a cohesive energy policy within the EU.
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The article examines the neo-colonial influence in Central and EasternEuropean (CEE) countries’ energy transitions, relating energy neocolonialism with power asymmetries. Most CEE countries began to reducetheir reliance on Russian energy after the Cold War, elevating energy securityto new levels around 2010. Although European Union (EU) norms have helpedcounteract Russia’s influence on energy, they have brought about a neoliberalneo-colonialism. On the one hand, the CEE countries need reliable andaffordable energy supplies to maintain their economic growth, which leavesthem prone to the Russian influence. On the other hand, the EU’s energyrules and regulations, which disregarded the CEE countries’ interests, haveresulted in disobedience. The article employs the degrowth concept toexamine energy neo-colonialism in the CEE, contending that the conceptstands out as a hopeful signpost for realizing the scenario wherein the CEEcountries’ interests can be protected and prioritized.
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The nature of the bilateral ties between the Türkiye and the US have mostly been influenced by the Cold War discourse until the 1990s. However, since then, the spirit of the relations has differed in terms of scope, direction and partnership perspectives. Following the end of the Cold War, Türkiye embarked on a foreign policy approach characterized by increased flexibility until the year 2000. Nevertheless, starting from the year 2000, the bilateral relations between these two nations have seen significant and unforeseen transformations. Despite maintaining their alliance and partnership, the agendas and national strategic interests of both nations have varied. They sometimes engage in competition on both global and regional matters. Hence, the aim of this study is to examine the dynamics of Turkish-American relations post-1990s, considering evolving global political discourse. The major outcome of this analysis is that there is a challenging relationship between the two countries. The return of geopolitics is a very important and decisive factor that has an impact on US-Türkiye relations. It virtually prevents the relations between both parties from deteriorating and leading to unexpected consequences.
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Irredentism, which has not gained much place in the international relations literature, has recently become an important element of Russian foreign policy. Referring to a country's claiming rights over its compatriots living in another country and seeking to annex the territory of this community to its borders, the concept poses a major problem in terms of its definition and implementation. Furthermore, it is an undeniable fact that irredentism can lead to many problems in international relations due to the lack of a clear framework, the fact that its implementation is left to states, including the absence of a legal restriction. With the logic of irredentism, it is obvious that the possibility of states occupying or annexing each other's territories under the pretext of their cognates will bring both regional and global problems in the future. In this context, this study will examine Russia's irredentist policies since 2008 through the examples of the Georgian War, the Crimean Annexation and the Ukrainian War. The main emphasis of the study is to reveal that Russia has carried out these operations not with irredentist arguments as it claims, but as a part of its regional expansionist attitude and that irredentism has turned into a pretext.
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The struggle between Germany and the Soviet Union during the Second World War was a development that gave a green light to the freedom demands of the Caucasian people. Getting rid of the pressure of the Soviet Union and gaining independence with the help of the Germans was seen as an opportunity not to be missed for the Caucasians. Germans who researched the lifestyles of the nations living in the Caucasus found it positive to use the slogan “The Caucasus belongs to the Caucasians” in general. In particular, in this geography where Christians and Muslims live, each nation has followed a different policy according to its own sensitivities. Knowing that the people of the Caucasus were fond of their freedom, the Germans thought that emphasizing this point would be very effective. In this regard, a policy based on both religious freedom and political independence was followed by the Germans in the Caucasus. This policy followed by the Germans not only encouraged the Caucasians on the path to freedom, but also enabled the Caucasians to take action on this path. The independence issue of the Caucasian people, who participated in the war on behalf of Germany at the front and behind the front, was evaluated differently by the Germans and the Caucasians. While the Germans intended to benefiit from the resources of the region, the Caucasians also fought for independence. In this process, just as the views of the Caucasian people on independence and their demands from the Germans are important, the Germans perspective on the independence issue is also extremely important. In this study, the issue of independence of the Caucasus during the Second World War will be evaluated between Germany and the Caucasus, and the aims and activities of both sides will be examined.
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