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U Mostaru je prije rata živjelo 23.846 (18,83%) Srba, a danas samo 5.000 (3%). U Gradskom vijeću Mostara Srbi imaju pet vijećnika, od kojih su četvorica iz bošnjačkih i hrvatskih nacionalnih stranaka – SDA i HDZ-a, dok je u gradskoj administraciji od 600 radnih mjesta posao našlo dvadesetak građana srpske nacionalnosti.
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As he bid his final farewell to the presidential office in January 2017, Barack Obama left the world in a fairly poor condition. Although the outgoing president can hardly be blamed for any of the international problems and threats, he could not be absolved from such responsibility being a leader of the world’s most powerful nation. On the other hand, on assuming his country’s highest office in January 2009, he too inherited a range of challenges and unresolved conflicts from his predecessor, George W. Bush Jr. These included the global financial and economic crises, the unresolved war on terrorism, the threat of the proliferation of nuclear weapons, the failure to benefit in any way from the deployment of US forces in Iraq and Afghanistan, the rise of new global centers of power and ambition, tensions in relations with Russia, and finally, highly strained transatlantic relations.
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Barack Obama’s presidency brought a great deal of changes to US foreign policy. While even in its preliminary premises of the new administration, the United States was to continue playing a leading role in strengthening the world order, the assumption was that it would mainly rely on diplomatic efforts rather than military interventions and that it would minimize the cost. By “leading from behind”, following through with the previously announced “reset” in Russian relations and pivoting towards Asia and the Pacific Rim in foreign policy, the United States sent a message that understandably upset its European allies. Without a doubt, the new approach would impact the Transatlantic Alliance. There was a neccessity for Europe to become more active internationally and more responsible for its own security.
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The interests of the European Union and its member states and those of the United States are divergent if not mutually exclusive on a range of issues. During the first six months of Donald Trump’s presidency, such differences came into sharp relief. Nevertheless, there are still a number of issues in transatlantic relations on which cooperation continues to be good due to shared security priorities. Other than drug and weapons trafficking, an excellent example is the fight against terrorism. Close cooperation in combatting terrorism began after the 9/11 al-Qaeda attack on America. Ties grew even closer after the terrorist attacks on Europe, first in Madrid on March 11, 2004, and then in London on July 7-21, 2005. Another factor was the escalation of threats from ISIS.
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Prior experience with Donald Trump’s Presidency reveals a likely ongoing shift away from the decades-old paradigm of close relations between the United States and Europe. Such relations extend not only to politics, defense and the economy but also to culture and social issues. Forged after World War II and bolstered with the experience and effectiveness of the Transatlantic Alliance, the relationship became highly uncertain through the steps of the new administration and European reactions. Its dismantling is not a done deal. It is still conceivable that, after a period of turbulence and chaos observed in the wake of the White House changeover, the transatlantic community may regain strength.
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Počas druhej svetovej vojny a po nej prekonali Európa i celý svet závažné ideologické a politické zmeny, ktoré vážne narušili dovtedajšiu geopolitickú štruktúru. Novým rozhodujúcim fenoménom vývoja sa stali dve superveľmoci, USA a ZSSR. Ich vzťahy ovplyvňovali polarizáciu Európy ako celku a premietali sa aj do vnútorných záležitostí jej jednotlivých štátov. Vojnou, nemeckou okupáciou podstatnej časti kontinentálnej Európy a porážkou mocností Osi sa pretrhli aj tradičné hospodárske zväzky. Časť Európy oslobodila armáda Sovietskeho zväzu, časť vojská západných spojencov. Tým sa objektívne rozchádzali vonkajšie vplyvy na vnútorné usporiadanie jednotlivých európskych štátov. V oslobodených krajinách prevládala iluzórna predstava, že všetky problémy sa majú a dajú riešiť vo Washingtone a v Moskve.
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The results of the subject matter expert workshops and the first pilot studies show that measuring Russia’s influence in the information environment of the NB8 region is not a trivial task. The effects are spread through various dimensions of public life and interact with existing social, economic, political and cultural circumstances in eight separate countries. However, the complexity of the task is no reason to shy away from the goal. The lessons identified only reinforce the idea that more time and a greater research capacity are necessary for obtaining comprehensive and unambiguous answers. Based on the work done, it is possible to highlight several further research directions within each dimension of analysis.
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The Soviet Union kept a watchful eye on the Yugoslav presence in Albania immediately after the end of WWII. Yugoslavia was helping Albania in every way during WWII and it continued its aid after the war. In the beginning the Soviet Union wasn’t present in that country to any significant degree. The Soviet influence was confined to symbolic military and diplomatic presence. However, over time the Soviet presence in Albania began to be more perceptible and clearer. The Soviet presence didn’t push back the Yugoslav influence and it didn’t limit the level of the Yugoslav-Albanian relations, but it strictly determined the reach of the mutual cooperation. The Soviets left to the Yugoslavs the organizatorial activities in the Albanian Communist Party, economy and culture. One gets the impression the Yugoslav presence in Albania was a downsized copy of the Soviet influence in Yugoslavia. Furthermore, Yugoslavia was a powerful mediator between Albania and the Soviet Union, a country the Soviet top-brass entrusted with the tutelage over Albania, seeing it as the guarantor of Albanian independence and security.
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The adoption of the joint declaration of the Government of the Kingdom of Serbia and the Yugoslav Committee in Corfu in July 1917 is closely related to the February revolution in Russia which strongly influenced the policy changes between the coalitions of the powers in spring and summer of 1917. These changes also created favourable conditions for declaration signing, the most significant being: the collapse of the tsarist regime, which had supported Serbia; the need to review the war objectives, taking into account the possible peace negotiations (the Sixtus Affair); relative liberalization in Cisleithania after the death of Franz Josef (in November 1916) and the adoption of the “trialistic” May Declaration (1917); instability of the general military situation with the tendency to deteriorate for the Entente. When drafting the text of the declaration, Nikola Pašić took all these facts into account. So, we can say that the Corfu Declaration was a forced document, as well as the Nish Declaration (December 1914) which appeared earlier and was also motivated only by the utilitarian causes.
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This study discusses the progress and impact of the process of polarization of space and settlement at the level of territorial units (okrug – districts and opcinas) in Serbia from 1991 to 2011. With the help of analysis of selected data and referencing different literature, the study identifies, characterizes and then compares different peripheral areas in Serbia. The study analyzes, within the regional differentiation of Serbian territory after 1990, the extent to which this period differed from changes in the socialist era, i.e. whether the differences between core and peripheries deepened after 1990 and whether the position of individual regions in the country remained continuously maintained. The article is based on analysis of statistical data and demonstrates that the Serbian territory, at the macro-regional level, can be divided in two basic ways which manifest themselves in the long run: firstly, using the so called north-south zoning, which is mainly due to the physical and geographical conditions (polarity between mountain and lowland regions) and secondly, dividing the country based on a continuous zone of economic development, which is located in the north-south direction from Vojvodina across Novi Sad, Belgrade, Kragujevac and Niš and further along the South Moravia River. Within the regional differentiation of Serbia there are also identified and examined two main stages of development. Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija was not included in this analysis because of deficiency of relevant statistics data in the period under review.
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The tradition of organizing border gatherings (trade shows) on the Yugoslav-Bulgarian border existed in the twenties of the 20th century and represented a form of cross-border cooperation between the two countries. Being rebuilt after the Second World War, it was rapidly re- suspended after the Yugoslav conflict with Stalin and long-term blockade conducted by the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries, including Bulgaria. On the initiative of Bulgaria, the tradition was renewed in 1956, but with the clear intentions of Bulgaria to use gatherings for propaganda and political influence on the Yugoslav citizens, which Yugoslavia after the initial disorientations, was trying to parry. Gatherings that were organized on the Yugoslav-Bulgarian border in the mid-fifties of the 20th century were a true expression of the Cold War atmosphere and the Cold War mindset. They show how a relatively small and clearly limited geographical area which by definition should be a place of separation, not meeting or connecting, with the presence of a large number of people, became a training ground for ideological competition between the two ideologically and politically opposing parties. Although Yugoslavia and Bulgaria were on the way of full normalization of bilateral relations, at the time when the practice of maintaining gatherings was rebuilt, all the circumstances surrounding the organization of these meetings showed, however, how the normalization was fragile and largely superficial and insincere and how the roots of the conflict (not just ideological, but also many others, inherited from the past) were deep and lasting.
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Throughout the inter-war period Hungary was dissatisfied with her borders, including the one with Yugoslavia. Therefore her policy was aimed at loosening the Little Entente whose member Yugoslavia was. Among other things, Hungary used the large Hungarian national minority in Yugoslavia for her revisionist goals. During the late 1930s Hungary’s revisionist ambitions were aimed chiefly against Romania and she was relying on Italy. When WWII broke out, Hungary strove to remain neutral, saving forces for the propitious moment. She used Soviet pressure on Romania in summer 1940 to extort part of Transylvania with German backing. However, the price were concessions to the Third Reich – joining the Tripartite Pact on November 20, 1940 being the biggest. However, in order not to be completely cut off from Great Britain, Hungary sought rapprochement with Yugoslavia. This was encouraged also by the Axis powers. This coincided with their increased pressure on Yugoslavia to joint the Tripartite Pact, which she eventually did on march 25, 1941. However, two days later the government that had signed the Pact was overthrown and Hitler decided to destroy the unreliable ally. Hungary was invited to take part in the attack and have a share of the spoils. Hungarian prime-minister Pal Teleki who opposed that because he didn’t want to sever all ties with Great Britain, committed suicide and Hungary joined in the German-Italian-Bulgarian aggression. The author deems this the logical consequence of two decades long Hungarian revisionist aspirations. As opposed to most Hungarian historians, he is of the opinion that Hungary entered WWII on the day she attacked Yugoslavia, and not on June 22, 1941 when she joined in the attack on the USSR.
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The paper presents the main facts about the occupation of a part of Kosovo (the Kosovo District) by the Germans and the situation on that territory in the second half of 1941. The focus is on the as detailed as possible description of the situation on the spot with special regard to conflicting German-Italian political, military and economic interests, as well as to the relation of the Germans and the Italians to the Albanian national minority (strong collaboration of the Albanians with the occupiers of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia wit the goal of forming Albanian Kosovo within the framework of Greater Albania – the final goal of the Albanian ideological program). The situation on the spot in this period showed that these tendencies of the Albanian collaborators of the German and Italian occupation forces could not be realized without elimination of the Orthodox Serbian population through application of various means and methods (destruction of property, pressure, threats, abductions, expulsion, individual and mass terror and murders).
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Promene na geopolitičkoj karti sveta koje su se dogodile krajem XX veka, sa tendencijom dalje rekonstrukcije, bile su i jesu do te mere svestrane i sveobuhvatne da su rezultirale potpunom promenom paradigme u sistemu vrednosti poznatom i prihvaćenom posle Drugog svetskog rata, pa i nekoliko decenija i vekova unazad. Jedna od najradikalnijih promena s najupečatljivijim posledicama jeste završetak bipolarne podele sveta. Podela na Istok i Zapad, čije su imanencije bile Sovjetski Savez sa svojim Varšavskim blokom (i istoimenim vojnim savezom), i SAD sa NATO, značile su ne samo višedecenijsko življenje na granici ratnih sukoba, već i deobu na dva sistema vrednosti, dva ekonomska sistema i dve političke opcije razvoja. Pokazalo se posle pola veka postojanja, da je sukobe moguće izbeći i bez postojanja te dve glomazne tvorevine koje je delio sve veći jaz nepremostivih razlika u ekonomskom razvoju. Dok je zapadni deo sveta koračao sve većim i bržim koracima ka prelasku u postindustrijsko, a zatim u informaciono društvo, istočni deo sveta je sve više zaostajao pritisnut rastućim izdvajanjima za trku u naoružanju, da bi krajem osamdesetih godina XX veka konačno posustao i nevoljno, ali nužno iskazao želju da se promeni stanje stvari. To je za posledicu imalo ne samo demontažu sistema i ideologije kao takve, već pre svega raspad jedne super sile i unutrašnje imperije koju je ona predstavljala, tj. SSSR.
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U ovom radu uz pomoć komparativne analize medija, izjava i intervjua, autor istražuje kakva je geopolitička pozicija Beograda i Kijeva u Evropi, u situaciji kad su odnosi između Evropske unije (EU) i Rusije u uslovima ukrajinske krize pali gotovo na nivo onih iz doba hladnog rata. U fokusu istraživanja je Srbija i njena spoljna politika, a rad je podeljen u pet poglavlja – prvo: Ukrajinska kriza i Rusija, drugo: Ukrajinska kriza i Srbija, treće: Srbija između Evropske unije i Evroazijskog saveza, kao i Zaključci i Preporuke. Istraživanje prati tok podela u Evropi nakon ukrajinske krize, na dva političko-ekonomska bloka – Evropsku uniju i Evroazijski ekonomski savez – i njihov uticaj na zonu tranzicionih država, gde spadaju Srbija i Ukrajina. Autor zaključuje da bi Beograd i Kijev trebalo odlučnije da sprovode reforme i integrišu se u evroatlantske strukture, ukoliko ne žele da ostanu izolovani ili prepušteni uticaju rastuće moći autoritarnih država, poput Rusije i Kine. Isto može da se dogodi ukoliko Brisel odustane od integracije tranziconih država u EU.
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Opredelenje Crne Gore da udje u NATO izazvalo je krajnje negativnu reakciju Rusije. Od kada je dobila poziv za NATO članstvo Rusija je pojačala svoje prisustvo u Crnoj Gori kako bi poslala poruku Zapadu, ali I Srbiji ukoliko krene istim putem. Zvanična Crna Gora I premijer Milo Djukanović na poziv NATO gledaju kao na ogroman uspeh Crne Gore i priznanje za reforme koje ona sprovodi. Djukanović ističe da je to važan korak u pravcu učvršćivanja regionalne, evropske i svetske bezbednosti, koji će takodje ubrzati i put Crne Gore u EU. On posebno ističe da je članstvo u NATO najefikasniji i najracionalniji način da se osigura i nagli priliv investicija, što je za crnogorsku ekonomiju principejelno važan faktor. Djukanović je podvukao da je poziv Crnoj Gori za članstvo istorijski dan, najznačajniji posle referenduma 2006. godine, jer Crna Gora ulazi u ekskluzivni krug zemalja koje su sinonim najboljih vrednosti savremene civilizacije
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In his work the author presents the relations between Scotland and England. He tries to explain how Alex Salmond’s party NSP (National Scottish Party) gained majority in Scottish Parliament
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