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Sreo sam ovde večeras, pred vratima, jedn og kolegu, i s njegovim dopuštenjem, počeću svoje predavanje onim što mi je on rekao. Rekao je da se on »žrtvovao, na ovoj hladnoći i u ovom mraku, da bi došao ovde da čuje šta će s nama biti do pošljetka«. I ja sam mu na to odvratio da to ni u kom slučaju .neće čuti, je r čak i kad bih znao »šta će s nama biti do pošIjetka«, ja bih tu tajnu čuvao samo za sebe.
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U poimanju filozofije kao misli određenog vremena ili kao epohaine svesti, izraženo je saznanje da nju dublje određuje njeno vreme ili epoha u kojoj se pojavljuje nego njena sopstvena istorija, čiji je razvojni stupanj sama ta filozofija, da je u većoj meri i pre određuju njena savremenost i prelomna zbivanja u sadašnjosti nego velike ideje prošlosti, odnosno njena tradicija.
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Trebalo bi početi s nizom definicija, i to ne samo iz formalnih razloga vodenja jedne rasprave lege artis, već zato što ovde imamo posla s mnogoznačnim pojmovima kao što su »stvaralačko«, pa »istorično« ili »povesno«, ili pak s novim pojmovima kao što je »heterološko«. Iz samog tog definisanja pojmova iskače njihova međusobna povezanost i zavisnost, korelacija koju zatim potvrđuje istorija njihovih značenjd u našoj tradiciji, tako da se njihovo teorijsko obrazloženje podržava takvim istorijskim razmatranjem i sve se, konačno, saglašava u ideji o stvaralačkom karakteru našeg povesnog opstanka na zemlji, koji je povesan ili istoričan zato što je stvaralački, a stvaralački ukoliko je zaista human.
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Šta podrazumevamo pod pojmom napredak? Kakvu promenu nekakvog stanja možemo da smatramo napretkom? Da bismo neku promenu smatrali napretkom, neminovno je da ona ima svojstvo nepovratljivosti ili ireverzibilnosti. Naime, ako govorimo o istoriji u nekim vremenskim stanjima, onda svako novo vremensko stanje mora biti drukčije u odnosu na ranija vremenska stanja.
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Današnji stručnjaci za kosmos primeniuju slikovitu paralelu: oni ceo razvoj kosmosa porede s kalendarom u toku jedne godine. Po tom kosmičkom kalendaru, prve životinje na kopnu pojavile su se nekako krajem novembra, dinosaurusi su izumrli 25. decembra, 31. decembra ujutru pojavili su se majmuni, a čovek tek poslednja dva minuta pre ponoći 31. decembra! Pisana čovekova istorija, u tim razmerama, traje deset sekundi.
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Vrijeme nastanka kršćanstva došlo je do promjene predmeta filozofije, ukoliko se je prihvatilo novo vjerovanje. Po samom predmetu, filozofija je došla u odnos prema temi o transcendentnom bogu i vjerovanju koje je odatle proizilazilo. Tu su dati gotovi odgovori u koje je trebalo vjerovati. Ako se neko ne bavi filozofijom, tada to još ne znači da je na gubitku, je r ima sadržaj objave, koji je i ponudeni oblik spasenja u viziji apsolutne i pravedne budućnosti. Time se filozofija postavlja kao mogućnost, ali ne i kao nužnost.
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Šelingova (Schellina) filozofija mitologije predstavlja grandiozan pokušaj da se oda dužno postovanje mitu, da se mitsko poimanje sveta ucini što razumljivijim, da se mitsko polaganje prava na apsolutnu istinu uzme u obzir razmatranje. Ovaj je pokušaj do danas ostao jedini stvarni pokušaj da se mit filozofski protumači, jer svojom temeljnošću i doslednošću prevazilazi sve što je pre ili kasnije postignuto na tom polju. Stanovište s kojeg je Šeling prišao mitu ne razlikuje se samo načelno od prosvetiteljskog, već se, štaviše, nalazi u oštroj suprotnosti prema njemu. šeling, naime, razmatra ne toliko Ijudsku koliko božansku stranu mita, interesuje se ne toliko za antropogoniju koliko za teogoniju, nastoji da objasni suštinu mitskih slika i predstava iz istorije apsoluta, a ne da ih svede na jednu iskustveno realnu činjenicu koja se zove čovek. U svojoj filozofiji mitologije...
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Prema jednom prilično rasprostranjenom uverenju, svi naši nesporazumi svode se na nesporazume terminoioške i pojmovne prirode. Razjasnimo kako valja termine i pojmove kojima se služimo - i nesporazuma neće biti.
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Morao bih da zamolim da izgovaram svakodnevnica a ne »svakodnevica «, kako stoji u najavi. Prosto, ja sam navikao da upotrebljavam oblik »svakodnevnica «, a ukoliko neko daje reči »svakodnevica« naročito, npr. filozofsko značenje, molim da se uvaži da ovoga puta podrazumevam i takvu mogućnost. Dalje, računam s tim da su osnovni pojmovi unapred jasni i da ne bi trebalo gubiti vreme u određivanju šta je istorija a šta je svakodnevnica.
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Ovi malo poznati ili čak nepoznati Benjaminovi zapisi o istoriji, neophodni za razumevanje njegovih teza o pojmu istorije, potiču iz autorove arhive. Ovde se prvi put pojavljuju u srpskom prevodu.
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Co łączy filozofi ę z historią i historiografią poza istnieniem historii filozofii? Filozoficzne teorie feministyczne, które są przedmiotem moim zainteresowań są na bardzo wiele sposobów naznaczone obecnością myślenia historycznego. Przede wszystkim dzielą z historią kobiet, która jest przedmiotem analiz książki Solarskiej i Bugajewskiego, wątpliwości metodologiczne.
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In 2012 Icke published a controversial book Frank Ankersmit’s Lost Historical Cause about the development in the views of Frank Ankersmit, one of the most influential philosophers of history these days. Recently, I have reviewed this book, which prompted Icke to respond with a short paper criticizing my review. I welcome his response; nevertheless, I must correct Icke’s misinterpretation of my claims. Icke raises several issues but I consider two to be particularly important. Icke is convinced that my objection pointing to shallowness in his book is unsubstantiated. Moreover, he feels disappointed b ecause I a llegedly f ocus o nly o n m inor p oints a nd c onsequently I neglect the crucial things he has to say. I argue that both of his criticisms are misguided.
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I am grateful to Eugen Zeleňák for belatedly focusing attention on and thus perhaps renewing wider interest in my book, Frank Ankersmit’s Lost Historical Cause (see Icke 2012) through his eight page review of it recently published in this journal (see Zeleňák 2014). Nevertheless, I remain somewhat bothered by and more than a little perplexed by his style of argumentation which alights everywhere on the book’s relatively minor points while skipping over, or omitting entirely, the vital points about which its central argument turns.
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Thinking of history and historical truth requires a special report to the notion of interpretation, according to which the past is recomposed through philosophical methods. Henri Irénée Marrou defines comprehension as ”the dialectic of the same with the Other”, as a dialogue involving the existence of a broad base of fellowship between subject and object, between the historian and the man who is revealed through the document, in a state of mind that makes us connatural to others, allows us to experience their passions, to rethink their ideas under the same light wherever they saw them. For Marrou, the ”other” is the historical past (De la connaissance historique).
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This study focuses on the theoretical background of the genre of alternative history, and aims to introduce the concept and characteristics, varieties, and historical strategies of allohistoricism. In a separate section, the paper discusses the oldest works itemizable as allohistorical, dating back to the works of Herodotus and Titus Livius. As the study aims to provide a system of criteria for the examination of alternative historical works—first and foremost novels—, it considers its basic task to be the processing of the most significant Anglo-Saxon and the complete Hungarian literature on the subject. The list of the existing approaches and the reasoning systems following from the definitions of the integrated special literature, and those of our own analysis and categorization, will outline a pattern that can be used repeatedly in the future in analyses focusing on the individual works.
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This article discusses the theory of history of the English historian Arnold Toynbee. His A Study of History occasioned intense international debate on theory of civilizations and philosophy of history when it first appeared. However, in Croatia his work was neglected. The author’s scope is limited to the philosphical-historical dimension of Toynbee’s theory of civilization, namely, on the relationship between the two different models of historical development Toynbee laid out in the first and second parts of A Study of History. The article discusses these two models and their differences, establishing the contradictions resulting from them. It attempts to show that neither the explanation that Toynbee puts forth in A Study of History (pointing to the nature of empirical inquiry as a reason which led him to change his original model) nor the subsequent critical assessment about his book as an empirical investigation of civilizations which at one point turns into “dubious” philosophical examination of history, do not adequately explain why Toynbee changed his model; nor do they address the fact that the basis of discontinuity of A Study of History is Toynbee’s consistent endeavour to justify his belief in meaningfulness and purposefulness of historical development, making his work from the outset an attempt to provide the answer to that basic question of any philosophy of history. At the end of the article, brief attention is paid to the phenomenon of the renewed interest that has been recently shown in Toynbee’s writings and the new historiographical trends that have made certain aspects of his theory of civilization relevant.
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In my article I present the characterization of the state of "singularity" as an upcoming moment in history, which is being foretold by Raymond Kurzweil – futurologist, computer scientist and transhumanist. I also present the concept of dividing history into six epochs proposed by Kurzweil, who captures the history of the whole universe as a process of increasing the amount of information. In describing Kurzweil's thought, I do it from the philosophical point of view, showing its historiosophical moments.
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Hans Blumenberg tried to elaborate a better tool for understanding the epochs through the metaphors. In this article we will be focusing on Blumenberg's theory which claims a central role for historical metaphors, such are the starry sky, the shipwreck, the truth or the book. The main question is if this variation of metaphors throughout history offers a better understanding of history.
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A real fascination with Greece arose in Germany at the end of the 18th century with the works of Winckelmann, the founder of scientific archeology. The subject of this text is the German nostalgia for Greece which developed at that time in the circle of the first romanticists and among the thinkers of German idealism. The emphasis will be put on three of the most important figures of German poetry and philosophy of this period: Schiller, Hegel and Hölderlin. But it will be shown that it is only with Hölderlin that for this idealized image of Greece a new image of Greece as profoundly divided between Occident and Orient was substituted.
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Moral circle expansion has been occurring faster than ever before in the last forty years, with moral agency fully extended to all humans regardless of their ethnicity, and regardless of their geographical location, as well as to animals, plants, ecosystems and even artificial intelligence. This process has made even more headway in recent years with the establishment of moral obligations towards future generations. Responsible for this development is the moral theory – and its associated movement – of longtermism, the bible of which is What We Owe the Future (London: Oneworld, 2022) by William MacAskill, whose book Doing Good Better (London: Guardian Faber, 2015) set the cornerstone of the effective altruist movement of which longtermism forms a part. With its novelty comes great excitement, but longtermism and the arguments on its behalf are not yet well thought out, suffering from various problems and entailing various uncomfortable positions on population axiology and the philosophy of history. This essay advances a number of novel criticisms of longtermism; its aim is to identify further avenues for research required by longtermists, and to establish a standard for the future development of the movement if it is to ever be widely considered as sound. Some of the issues raised here are about the arguments for the moral value of the future; the quantification of that value with the longtermist ethical calculus – or the conjunction of expected value theory with the ‘significance, persistence, contingency’ (SPC) framework; the moral value of making happy people; and our ability to affect the future and the fragility of history. Perhaps the most significant finding of this study is that longtermism currently constitutes a shorterm view on the longterm future, and that a properly longterm view reduces to absurdity.
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