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ljudska prava se temelje na pojmu urođenog dostojanstva svih ljudskih bića. Univerzalna su, neotuđiva, nedjeljiva i međuovisna. U Bosni i Hercegovini ljudska prava se štite na nivou države, kao i na nivou entiteta. Ustav Bosne i Hercegovine, te ustavi entiteta, na specifičan način štite ljudska prava, kroz direktnu primjenu Evropske konvencije o zaštiti ljudskih prava i osnovnih sloboda.
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Poslednjih nekoliko godina, nakon nasilnog gušenja građanskih protesta zbog izbornih nepravilnosti (2011) i u obnovljenom predsedničkom mandatu Vladimira Putina (2012), Rusija je otvorenije nego do tada krenula u spoljnu ekspanziju. Nakon već ranije izvršene agresije na Gruziju (2008), sledio je oružani napad na suverenu Ukrajinu, potom i intervencija u Siriji. Slabo delotvorne zapadne sankcije zbog agresivnog rata protiv južnog suseda, čiju je nepovredivost granica i sama Rusija garantovala međunarodnim sporazumom iz Budimpešte (1994) i aneksija Krima (2014), kao dela međunarodno priznate teritorije Ukrajine, ojačale su hladnoratovske tendencije u svetu, a posebno u Evropi. Srbija se zbog svoje spoljnopolitičke dezorjentacije našla u središtu političkog disputa između nesigurnog zapadnog sveta i imperijalne autokratije Vladimira Putina. Ruska „meka moć” i pokušaji da destabilizuje Srbiju i odvrati je od nevoljno prihvaćene evropske agende ogledali su se i u činjenici da je Rusija uložila puno truda i materijalnih resursa u pokretanje desetina medija, portala, fondacija, udruženja građana i nevladinih organizacija sa ciljem jačanja antizapadnog raspoloženja u Srbiji i snaženja nacionalističkih, ksenofobičnih i proruskih tendencija. [...]
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The 2017 referendum that transformed Turkey's constitutional system and the June2018 elections represent the final stage of the transformation project for New Turkey and the beginning of a new era in the history of the modern Turkish Republic. Authoritarian trends in government and social life, the strong centralization of political decision-making, and the unconditional personification and praise of the ruling will continue to deepen the dividing lines between Turkey and its EU partners. Authoritarian trends in government and social life, the strong centralization of political decision-making, and the unconditional personification and praise of the ruling party leader will continue to deepen the dividing lines between Turkey and its EU partners. On theone hand, Turkey is moving away from the prospect of EU membership, and on the other, President Erdogan, as the sole center of power in Turkey, will maintain a firm and irreconcilable tone in relations with the EU, especially as regards the negotiations on financial compensation that Turkey expects to receive to restrict migration flow from the Middle East.
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Germany’s Turkish communities have long been at the centre of vibrant political, academic and public deliberations. During the guest-worker years and the family reunification period that followed, and throughout their emergence as fixed attributes on German cities’ landscapes, Turks secured a firm place in debates in a Germany that was a reluctant and hesitant country of immigration. In recent years, they have been the prime focus of discussions and reflections on integration, citizenship, multiculturalism, segregation, social cohesion and the place of Islam in Germany. On the whole, the history of Turkish migration to and subsequent settlement in Germany during the post-1960s era has conventionally been associated with economic exploitation and hardship, residential difficulties and segregation, educational underachievement, confusion, uncertainty, shortsighted political strategies and ad hoc social provisions (Herbert, 1986; Abadan-Unat, 2011). Turks have gradually come to be perceived as the ethnic minority group least likely to achieve integration into German society, and as recognizable and clear Ausländer.
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Implemented by the Macedonian national party VMRO-DPMNE the project “Skopje 2014” renewed the urban image of Skopje, capital city of the (Former Yugoslav) Republic of Macedonia and promoted a narrative of direct descent from the Ancient Macedonians, epitomized by the figure of Alexander the Great. Impressive statues, fountains, a triumphal arch, and new massive buildings now stand in all their grandeur in the city centre of the small republic’s capital city. Although apparently meant to give a new face to Skopje, these urban changes are also strictly tied to a “great” national narrative concerning the Macedonian nation – its roots and origins, and are apparently shaping and changing, not only the urban image of Skopje but also the national identity of the Macedonians.
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On the night of the 15th March 2018, the neighbourhood of Lavapiés in Madrid was literally on fire. A burst of rage swelled the streets as the district became a battlefield. That night, Madrid was raising its voice for Mame Mbaye, a black African resident that died just few hours ago running from a police identity control. A migrant insurrection broke out against these racist controls that had been increasingly happening in the neighbourhood since Mame arrived fourteen years ago. This time it was Mame, but it could have been any of the migrants that were claiming justice that night. The night of the 15th March was an explosion of urban rage in which Madrid claimed not to be a border anymore. In a later interview, Mame’s friend Serigne stated: “In Madrid you live with fear. Every morning we joke and say each other: ‘Have a good breakfast because you never know if you will ever be back home for lunch”.
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This article is part of a study by the author made in the 2016-2019 year of the Balkan Regional Development Agencies. Regional competitiveness is viewed in terms of psychological, cultural and behavioral aspects. These characteristics are specific to each territorial community and have a significant impact on economic processes and hence on the competitiveness of the region. The article presents the individual elements of the community culture of the territory, each element being defined individually in view of its importance as a factor for competitiveness. The author has used in his article the ideas of a number of authors with significant contributions in the field of psychological, social and cultural studies of the regions. At the end of the article the author has formulated conclusions that can be a starting point for taking into account the influence of psychological and cultural aspects of competitiveness and their incorporation into the policies for effective regional economic development.
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Hangi nedenle olursa olsun göç, sadece bir ‘yer değiştirme’ değildir. İnsanlar üzerinde derin ve kalıcı izler bırakır. Göç eden insan ve guruplar, dünyayı ve kendi değerlerini kökten bir yeniden gözden geçirmeye zorlanırlar. Bu radikal pozisyon, evdeki rahat ve huzurun bozulmasının bir sonucu-dur. Göç, eğer iç savaş gibi travmatik olaylardan kaynaklanıyorsa, değerlerin alt üst oluşuna da yol açabilir. Ya da tam karşıtı değer ve inançlara radikal dönüşlere de neden olabilir. Nihilizm ile radikalizm arasında bocalayan göçmen, bu sorunu aşmak için çeşitli yollar denemek durumundadır.
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Göç olgusunun dinsel ve mezhepsel kimlikler üzerindeki etkileri ve bu etkilerin tarihsel örnekleri nelerdir? Buna ilaveten tarihsel bir realite olan göç olgusunun iyi tahlil edilebilmesi için ne gibi hususlar göz önünde bulundurulmalıdır? Bu olgunun insan üzerindeki etkisi din ve mezhep anlayışına yansımaları nasıl olmaktadır? şeklindeki sorular, cevaplarını arayacağımız hususlardandır.
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Although the »women’s issue« has been founded as a political issue several decades ago, along with the development of »new wave« feminism, or neo–feminism, that brought to changes in the approach within the whole series of social issues, only with the emergence of »the green movement« and forwarding of »green« issues as political »women issues« as well as environmental issues, have they assumed a new importance within ecofeminist alternative groups. Ecofeminism encompasses different approaches, from liberal to ecocentric ecofeminism groups. In the course of numerous discussions between ecofeminist and feminist groups and their standpoint, there are also other intrinsic environmental groups and their standpoints, from which most prominent group representing deep ecology viewpoints, with which ecofeminist orientations are frequently in disagreement. Regardless of, however, certain disagreements within certain ecofeminist groups and their approaches, some of which are even useless or derogatory for (eco)feminism, as well as conflicts with the deep ecology, from the standpoint of social ecology it is important to take into account and take into the consideration all these (eco) )feminist standpoints, because they direct us to the situation where we should move beyond faulty dualism of the opinion model that characterizes West social and philosophical tradition, and towards which women are inferior to men, nature towards culture, emotions towards reason and body towards mind, under the condition that we want to achieve environmentally harmonious living, integrating nature with culture into an organic eco–cultural whole.
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The Supplement to Textbooks of Current Croatian History is a handbook for history lectures, which was ordered by the Croatian Ministry of Science, Education, and Sports after the five-year moratorium on teaching current history in the Podunavlje region expired in the 2002/2003 school year. This easternmost region of Croatia remained under the control of local Serbs after the end of the 1991-1995 conflict, and was returned to Croatian sovereignty in 1998 after a transitory period under UN administration and the signing of an agreement between the Croatian government and the local Serb population. Part of the agreement included the decision that instruction in Podunavlje for Croat and Serb children would take place in separate classrooms, and that a five-year moratorium on teaching contemporary Croatian history in classes taught in the Serbian language would be imposed.
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Genocid, genocid, genocid! Tom prividno poznatom riječju imenovani su progoni i ubijanja bosanskih muslimana u Srebrenici 1995. godine. Za to djelo osuđeno je više pojedinaca koji su ga domislili, podstakli i/ili proveli. Tom riječju, koju su izrekli suci, koju potomci i srodnici ubijenih ponavljaju kao molitvenu utjehu, užasnuta i ustrašena većina više je anestezirana negoli utješena. Ali riječi nemaju značenja izvan rečenice. Kada su im nametana korištenja u izdvojenosti, one postaju plastične. Čine se neprijeporno shvatljivim, a ipak su sve dalje od tog što njihovi korisnici hoće u žalosti i patnji, u ljubavi i mržnji te u nastojanjima da prežive i budu sretni. [...]
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Parte integrantă a spaţiului geografic românesc, teritoriul dintre Prut şi Nistru a parcurs aceleaşi etape istorice pe care le‑a cunoscut întreaga evoluţie a românilor, din cele mai vechi timpuri şi până la începutul secolului al XIX‑lea, când a fost cotropit de Imperiul Rus. Acesta, profitând de conjunctura politico‑militară favorabilă determinată de „Criza orientală”, a ocupat Principatele Române şi „prin înşelăciune şi intimidare, a determinat Poarta otomană să recunoască încorporarea la Rusia a spaţiului românesc de la est de Prut, deşi turcii nu stăpâneau efectiv acest teritoriu şi nimic nu le dădea dreptul să facă această cesiune teritorială."
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Pactul dintre Hitler şi Stalin, semnat la 23 august 1939, stipula într-un protocol secret interesele sovietice de a anexa Țările Baltice, estul Poloniei şi estul României – teritorii care niciodată nu i-au aparţinut. La 28 iunie 1940, Armata Roşie a trecut Nistrul ocupând Basarabia, nordul Bucovinei şi ţinutul Herţa. Ceva mai târziu, la 2 august, ignorând interesele populaţiei băştinaşe şi încălcând legislaţia internaţională, chiar şi pe cea sovietică, o parte din teritoriul Basarabiei – şase judeţe: Bălţi, Tighina, Chişinău, Cahul, Orhei şi Soroca – şi şase din cele 13 raioane ale R.A.S.S.M. – Tiraspol, Grigoriopol, Dubăsari, Camenca, Râbniţa şi Slobozia – sunt incluse forţat în componenţa Republicii Sovietice Socialiste Moldoveneşti. În acelaşi timp, teritoriile româneşti din nordul Bucovinei, ţinutului Herţa, nordului şi sudului Basarabiei, pe baza aceluiaşi scenariu, sunt incluse în componenţa Republicii Sovietice Socialiste Ucrainene.
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The periods of deep political and social quakes always bring reconsideration and rearrangement of the events that happened in the past. Disappearance of ideological paradigm, changes in global politics and epochal consciousness affected the return of the pre-socialist past, its romantization and idealization, as well as revisionist change of social determinants that were used for historical interpretations in post-socialist countries with the intense action of politics, nationalism and history in their historiographies. Even the bigger historiographies like Russian, are not immune from political pressure in relation to its own history, and histories of other countries and nations. There are many differences between the Soviet and the modern Russian historiography, as well as their forms. Due to the wish to control history, the international and class principle gave its place to the more active, national one, with the renewal of its identity that is clean from communist influence. Interests and politics of superpowers leave a huge mark in the history of the Balkan nations. Political disputes and positioning affect the historiographies and they play a big role in determining the topics that need to be researched. Dissolution of Yugoslavia and the emergence of new post-Yugoslav states on the European political map worsened the efforts of Russian historians in analyzing and researching their past and modernity. The increase of Russian interest in researching the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina is related to the political crises and conflicts in that area and wider Balkan context. Their attention is mostly focused on the Eastern Crisis (1875–1878.) and the Bosnian / Annexation crisis (1908–1909), dissolution of the SFRY and the “post-Yugoslav” wars. They also do research about the events that occured in this area in the last decade of the 20th century and at the beginning of the 21st century.
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Civil society and its consciousness must have their economic and social basis. There must be what is called “the middle class”. There is no middle class in Bosnia and Herzegovina, society is socially divided between the narrow circle of the tycoon-political oligarchy and the vast majority of impoverished people, without jobs and living at minimum of existence. Inequalities – financial and social – in Bosnia and Herzegovina are vast, and the factor that enlarges them is the present discrimination (territorial, status, marginalized groups, etc.). The absence of the middle class is one of the reasons for the lack of democracy in our country. These are not economic and social conditions that allow the development of civil society. This on the other hand are the conditions for ideological and political manipulation of national or civic identity. For important, positive changes in BiH, development of civil society is an important prerequisite, especially the awareness that government serves the citizens, and not that they “need” the government just to maintain. The best way to achieve this is to learn the lessons, change the approach, first of all through support to policies to strengthen the real private sector and the permeation of civil and national identity. This is a good recipe against nationalism and “production” of national conflicts. Regardless of – in principle – good intentions, support to the development of civil society by international organizations gave very weak results. This “glass is nearly empty.” One of the main reasons are focusing on non-governmental organizations, with the neglect of other important “sectors” of civil society – unions, religious communities, academia, etc. It seems that these have been left to the party influences and manipulations.
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Au moment où le « Printemps de Prague » atteignait son apogée, je reçus à la rédaction des Literarni Listy la visite d’un communiste italien, venu au nom d’une importante maison d’édition proche du Parti communiste italien. U m’expliqua que les communistes et les gens de gauche, en Italie, s'intéressaient vivement au déroulement des événements de Tchécoslovaquie et considéraient que l'expérience tchécoslovaque présentait un intérêt exceptionnel pour une perspective socialiste européenne. Us suivaient assidûment les extraits de la presse tchécoslovaque qui leur parvenaient en traduction, ce qui avait suscité, tout particulièrement dans les milieux intellectuels, le désir de mieux connaître, et si possible dans sa teneur intégrale, le contenu des discussions de principe qui se déroulaient dans les pages des Literarni Listy.
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Political and social changes at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st century radically changed the socio-economic situation not only in the post-Soviet space, but throughout the world. One of the clearest manifestations of such changes was the active migration of the population, in which millions of people were forced to migrate from one state to another, thereby becoming involved in the process of globalization. Unlike developed countries that experienced a migration boom long before, the Republic of Azerbaijan faced particularly intense migration flows. In this context, the subject of the study is the study of migration from Azerbaijan to Europe after gaining independence. Within the framework of the created theoretical model, an analysis of migration from Azerbaijan to European states, especially to Germany, was carried out, as well as the reasons for migration from Azerbaijan to Europe and the integration process were assessed. Under the conditions of economic and demographic crises in Azerbaijan, population migration can be a fairly accurate indicator of the depth of these crises; on the other hand, effective regulation of migration contributes to solving both economic and demographic problems faced by Azerbaijan.
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The Turkish foreign policy towards the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia was carried out in cooperation with its Western allies. However, as different from its policy during the Bosnian War, Turkey assumed a more careful attitude with regard to the Kosovo issue. During the Kosovo War, Turkey did not undertake any guardianship role for the Kosovo Albanians to the extent that it had done for the Bosniaks during the Bosnian War. Different dynamics had an impact on Turkey’s Kosovo policy, its internal problems, the Cyprus issue, Balkan diaspora in Turkey and the presence of the Turkish minority in Kosovo. The presentation will provide an analytical overview of Turkey’s approach towards Kosovo based on the proceedings of the Turkish Grand National Assembly. During that period Turkey was mostly governed by coalition governments. How the governing parties and opposition parties reacted to events in Kosovo during the parliamentary sessions will be analysed through conceptual frameworks. The perceived Ottoman history, the existence of “relative communities” and the Turkish minority, and the fear of the spread of the Kosovo issue to neighbouring countries became important factors affecting the construction of the Turkish foreign policy. The presentation will examine the proceedings of the Parliament in 1998-1999 focusing on concepts like “Ottoman legacy”, “identity”, “interest”. It will analyse how Turkey’s commitments to the Western alliance, how its identity construction as a regional power and how its political, economic and cultural interests became effective in the formulation of Turkey’s attitude towards the conflict in Kosovo.
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Ukraine is a linguistically diverse country, with Ukrainian and Russian being the two most widely spoken languages. It has a long history of linguistic and cultural differences, with the western parts generally being more Ukrainian-speaking and the eastern parts having a significant Russian-speaking population. The language policies adopted by the government have sometimes been a source of tension. In 2012, the Ukrainian parliament passed a law making Ukrainian the sole official language in government and education. This sparked protests and concerns among Russian-speaking communities, particularly in regions where Russian is more commonly spoken. The conflict has also impacted the use of language in political discourse. Ukrainian officials and politicians have used Ukrainian as a way to assert their patriotism and loyalty, while Russian officials and propaganda have portrayed the conflict as a fight for the rights of the Russian-speaking population in Ukraine.
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