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Anul 1716, când Eugeniu de Savoya cucerește Timișoara de la turci, inaugurează în istoria Banatului etapa imperială. Acum provincia va dobândi, din multe puncte de vedere, o fizionomie central-europeană. Desigur, este vorba în acest caz nu de un eveniment sau de o conjunctură, ci de un fenomen care ține de duratele lungi ale istoriei, o amplă mișcare în care s-au cuprins fluxuri și refluxuri, dar al cărei sens rămâne totuși unic.
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Această selecție a fost realizată încercând de a schița o idee sau mai degrabă, de a surprinde un spirit, spiritul Europei Centrale. Am apelat astfel la textele marilor autori. Ei au desigur primul cuvânt. Fragmentele sunt alese deopotrivă din opere de ficțiune, memorialistice, eseistice sau programatice; Kakania romanescă a lui Musil, manifestul politic/cultural al lui Milan Kundera, memoriile înflăcărate ale lui Stefan Zweig. Un tablou compozit, susceptibil de a fi eclectic : opinii diverse, lansate în momente diferite, de pe poziții la fel de diferite. Premisa noastră este însă căfiecare dintre ei invocă de două ori Europa Centrală. O dată, ni se vorbește despre ea, ca obiect al reflecției sau al evocării literare, a doua oară, în spiritul ei, ca exponent al unei matrici culturale vagi, dar care poate conferi unitate acestei diversități.
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De o atenție insuficientă s-a bucurat, din partea istoriei noastre culturale, revista L'Europe Centrale care a apărut la Praga, în limba franceză, începînd din toamna anului 1926. Publicată săptămînal de un comitet de redacție în spatele căruia se afla probabil Ministerul de Externe cehoslovac, revista intenționa să promoveze înțelegerea și colaborarea dintre țările zonei europene respective, dînd substanță și coerență colaborării unor entități statale ieșite, în cea mai mare parte, din ruinele vechilor imperii: Cehoslovacia, Iugoslavia, Polonia. O spune clar un Cuvînt înainte din primul număr al revistei : „Scopul nostru esențial este de a face cunoscute popoarele Europei Centrale și de a lucra, după modestele noastre puteri, la apropierea lor”. în locul termenului și al conceptului german de Mitteleuropa, această nouă diplomație — nu fără concursul celei franceze -încearcă să introducă o nouă viziune, o nouă coerență și, bineînțeles, o nouă aranjare a intereselor. Din această nouă alcătuire a hărții diplomatice central-europene, la care vor mai colabora pe plan cultural reviste ca „Europäische Revue” a prințului Rohan sau „Revue de l’Europe du Sud-Est” a Centrului de Studii și Cooperare Balcanică de la Paris (de inspirație românească : președinte — Dimitrie Drăghicescu, secretar și director al revistei — M. Bădescu), au ieșit și Mica înțelegere și Alianța Balcanică. Cu toată lipsa lor de eficiență în fața amenințării ruso-germane, ele sînt mărturia că țările Europei Centrale și, nu în ultimul rînd, România -înțelegeau pe atunci să se organizeze ; primul pas trebuia făcut în domeniul cel mai deschis acestui fel de colaborare: în cultură.
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1. în noiembrie 1956, cu puțin înainte ca artileria să-i distrugă biroul, directorul Agenției Maghiare de Știri a transmis întregii lumi un telex disperat ce anunța începerea atacului sovietic asupra Budapestei. Depeșa se încheia cu următoarele cuvinte : „Murim pentru Ungaria și pentru Europa”.
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Filosof de origine română, afirmat astăzi ca maestru necontestat al limbii franceze, Cioran descinde din stirpea marilor scriitori care, precum Beckett, Julien Gracq, Noel Devaulx - fie din orgoliu, fie din timiditate - evită cu strășnicie marele public. Iată însă că tocmai el care se jurase să nu acorde interviuri nici unei publicații, nici unui organ de presă sau mass media din țara sa de adopțiune, nu a izbutit totuși să se pună de-a curmezișul valului de popularitate stîrnit de una din ultimele sale cărți - Exercices d’admiration - care a străpuns meterezele tăcerii, dindărătul căreia scriitorul își apără solitudinea împotriva oricăror zgomotoase manifestări ale popularității. Admirat și respectat de multă vreme de un număr restrîns de cunoscători genuini, iată-1 astfel devenit, în pofida voinței sale, un autor despre care lumea vorbește și ale cărui cărți se vînd. Astfel nasc în Franța gloriile.
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The Tsarist Russian government implemented a policy of Russification in the field of education under the pretext of bringing civilization to the Turks living in Turkestan. In the Russian Tuzem schools established for this purpose, it was aimed to educate students who would instill Russian culture to the local people. After the start of the Soviet period, the decision of the Soviet People's Commissariat of the Turkestan Republic was passed regarding the right of all workers to receive education regardless of their nationality, age and religion. Educational policies were built in order to disintegrate the Turkishness that is being lived in Kyrgyzstan and all of Central Asia. The task of the first Soviet teachers was not limited to teaching. According to this education policy, teachers were charged with actively participating in the life of the society and making the public adopt the policy of the Soviet power. The decree to eradicate the ignorance of the peoples of the Russian federation, created after the October revolution, played a major role in education policies. Accordingly, the education policy was determined in line with the needs of the new Soviet government. With the decision of the People's Soviet Committee of the Turkestan Republic to "eliminate ignorance among the people", the campaign for the education of the whole people was strengthened. Short courses were opened for Party and Soviet workers. In the history of Kyrgyzstan, the 1920’s passed with the search for education and propaganda. The establishment of the Kyrgyz state and the increase in educational activities played an important role in the development of Kyrgyz culture. School books, newspapers and magazines began to appear in the Kyrgyz language. The number of libraries and cinemas has increased. However, there were serious problems such as the shortage of teachers, the absence of school books in the mother tongue and the lack of regularization of school hours. In 1930, a social cultural mobilization began to eradicate ignorance. In 1931, education was prepared in a programmed way and primary education was compulsory. In this study, the implementation and development process of education, literature, art and language policies in the Kyrgyz Soviet Socialist People's Republic will be examined.
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In 2021, Ukraine celebrated the 30th anniversary of its independence. Exhibitions, concerts, commemorative meetings, and festivals were held throughout the country. Ukraine demonstrated independence, unity, and strength. The celebrations showed how Ukrainian identity, state, and society had evolved over 30 years. The point of reference was no longer Russia - and for many Ukrainians it used to be; its place taken by Europe. Ukrainians began to emphasise that they no longer wanted to live in a state belonging to the post-Soviet space, dominated by a gloomy and passive homo sovieticus; they wanted to belong, and perhaps even already belonged, to the Western world, with freedom, democracy, and human rights as their core values. The evolution has been gradual, but it is easy to identify the turning points - the Orange Revolution of 2004 and the Revolution of Dignity of 2013. The changes that were taking place triggered interference from Russia, which did not want to accept the Ukrainian turn towards the West. Ukraine’s 30th anniversary was marred by the war that had by then already been going on for seven years.
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Nakon strašnih zločina počinjenih u Bosni i Hercegovini i regiji, koji su uključivali masovna ubistva te silovanja žena i muškaraca, brojne preživjele i žrtve i dalje žive u sjeni stigme i šutnje koju su im nametnule etno-nacionalističke agende, ali i kulturne i religijske norme da bi se zaštitili ponos i čast porodica i nacija. Stvaranje i reproduciranje kulturnih i političkih narativa produbljuje traumu i patnju politizacijom i etnizacijom statusa žrtve. Prevladavajući diskurs neoliberalnih i etno-nacionalnih matrica (zlo)upotrebljava preživjele za vlastite politike i ciljeve, dok istovremeno preuzima ulogu čuvara njihovih interesa. Čitajući narative žena iz Bosne i Hercegovine (BiH), istražujem na koji je način etno-nacionalni diskurs žrtve utišao brojne žene i otuđio ih od preživjelih koje pripadaju drugim etničkim grupama. Zajedno sa neoliberalnim razumijevanjem i očekivanjima koja se pripisuju identitetima žrtve/preživjele, taj diskurs otuđuje žene iz vlastite etničke grupe jer mnoge odbijaju politizaciju iskustva i upisivanje etničkih narativa po svojim tijelima. Jedno od rješenja za nametnuto pozicioniranje i etiketiranje može biti zahtijevanje prava na samoidentifikaciju, kako navode Rebecca Stringer (2014) i Alyson Cole (2006) ili omogućavanje “oslobađajuće epistemologije” s tijelom žene kao mjestom značenja i iskustva, kako predlaže Tamy Spry (1995: 27) u svom radu na usmenoj historiji. U ovom radu razmatram: 1) politiku i etnizaciju tijela žena 2) na koji način feministička debata i jezik o žrtvi, preživjeloj i moći djelanja (engl. agency) osnažuju ili obesnažuju žene u suočavanju s vlastitim identitetima i njihovom poimanju 3) kako prevazići binarnost žrtva/preživjela koju su nametnuli međunarodna donatorska politika, nauka i ženske organizacije te kako omogućiti novi vokabular samoidentifikacije.
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The extension of Croat national identity to a particular Balkan ethnic and confessional group, namely the Catholics of Bosnia and Herzegovina, caused a dichotomy between their cultural and political identities, which has followed this integral element in Bosnian and Herzegovinian history since the end of the 19th century. Accomplished in a symbiosis of the Romantic ideology of the Croatian Party of (Historic State's) Right and political Catholicism, the Croat absorption of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Catholics was imagined as being in the service of a future Croatian state. Construed thus, they remained until the international recognition of Croatia and of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1991 and 1992, with the exception of the period of the Quisling Independent State of Croatia (1941‐1945), a nation without state. With the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the birth of the new states, Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Croats found themselves in a new historical situations, between two possibillities: the mythic, thousand‐year dream of Croatia as the "mother‐land" and Bosnia and Herzegovina as an (un)wanted geopolitical reality. Consequently, this new political context of the state required a new national "text," which is to say a harmonisation of cultural and political (state) identity. Experience both during and since the war (from 1991 to 2014) has shown that attempting to resolve the so‐called "Croat Question" by promoting an exclusive relationship between ethnic labels and territory (ethno‐territorialisation) has not succeeded in removing the existing dichotomy and has, indeed, served only to deepen it, while also alienating the Croats of Bosnia and Herzegovina from their primary living.
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The destruction of the Thracian Bulgarians in 1913 was genocide and ethnic cleansing of the Bulgarian population in the southern part of the region of Thrace during and soon after the Inter-Allied War. It was carried out by the regular army of the Ottoman army and the bashibozuka. The affected areas in which genocide is being committed against the Thracian Bulgarians include Eastern (Odrina) Thrace and Western (White Sea) Thrace.
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Fabricating a „Pomak ethnicity“ is crucial for keeping the state borders set by the Lausanne Peace Treaty and certain Balkan states have been making efforts to assimilate the Bulgarian Muslims within their territories by grouping them into a „Pomak ethnic group“, thus preventing any possibilities for them identifying as Bulgarians.
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The state social policy of the Republic of Bulgaria is aimed at satisfying the needs of all ethnic groups, based on the constitutional principle of equality of citizens. This policy is based on a package of legal and by-laws – laws, strategies and others, which are the basis of all plans and specific actions and measures affecting the population of the Republic of Bulgaria, regardless of the ethnic affiliation of every citizen of the Republic of Bulgaria.
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This article proposes the perception of the „other“ as a response to cultural diversity related to the idea of multiculturalism. In historical perspective and the intensifying globalization processes creating the concept of cultural inequalities are the focus of this article. The geographical location of the Balkans and the instability of the international scene address „collective diversity“ and are a prerequisite for cultural, social and identity continuity. In support of the in-depth analysis on the topic, I conclude with data from a national survey, summarizing the reasons for social distance and discontinuity from of the Bulgarian population compared to the refugees.
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Ethno-religious risks pose a serious threat to national security and the stability of societies. They include conflicts and tensions arising from differences in ethnic and religious identities. These types of risks can lead to social strife, terrorism and even war. Understanding and managing these risks requires extensive research that analyses the factors that cause them, as well as developing strategies and policies to promote stability and security. This complex problem requires an integrated approach that brings together aspects of religion, ethnic identity and social factors in order to promote tolerance and peace in societies.
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In the chosen topic, our attention is directed to outline the existing problem areas and factors affecting the definition of ethnic and religious challenges and the emphasis they place on the security of the countries of Europe. It aims to overcome the existing problems with the ethnic and religious groups found in these countries by introducing and clarifying their particularities.
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Croatian history and the changes of Croatia’s political position in the tides of European history, in particular in the 19th and 20th centuries, were in the focus of Franjo Tuđman’s historical research, wherein he paid special attention to political ideas and programs in the period that had shaped the identity of the modern Croatian nation and the program of its political independence, the period in which different variants of pan-Slavism and the ideas about Southern Slavic/ Illyric/ Yugoslav unity had played an important role in the formation of political programs and their implementation both in Croatia’s political forces and the political forces in Croatia’s immediate environment. He noted the continuity of Croatia’s struggles for a higher level of independence in multinational states, first in the Habsburg Monarchy, and later in Yugoslavia, and felt that the different variants of pan-Slavism and idea about Southern Slavic unity in Croatian politics had emerged from the political position of the Croatian territories in individual periods or from political situations (political dividedness and exposure to denationalization attempts in the Habsburg Monarchy, danger of the Croatian territory being divided at the time of World War I, and so on). On the other hand, Tuđman observed how these ideas were used for imperial purposes, for instance, how pan-Slavism was used in the service of Russian imperial politics, and how the idea about the unity of Southern Slavs was used to implement the program of Great-Serbian hegemony. He tracked the continuity of the existence and the political implementation of different forms of pan-Slavism and South-Slavic ideas to the time when he wrote his research papers, mostly the 1960s, a period in which Croatia was a part of the Social Federalist Republic of Yugoslavia, and the world was in the middle of the Cold War between two social, political, and military blocks. Tuđman felt that both the Universalist idea about world integration on the foundations of modern technological accomplishments, advocated by «Western democracies», and the Soviet insistence on socialist internationalism and limited sovereignty of the socialist countries were manifestations of imperial goals at the expense of small and dependent nations. He contrasted these two ideas with the activities of the Nonaligned Movement and the idea about coexistence in a world divided into blocks, the activities of the United Nations, the process of colonial territories establishing their national independence, and the headway of the idea about a united Europe, which he felt to be Europe’s way of distancing itself from both the United States and the USSR.
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The author discusses Franjo Tuđman’s contribution to the analysis and understanding of historical and political processes and events that took place in the Croatian national territory in the 19th and 20th centuries. He describes the particularity of the Croatian national question and the Croatian national integration process, the understanding of the antifascist and national liberation movement, and the fundamental human and national values and the right of the Croatian nation to self-determination and independence, nationwide and in the Istrian region alike. As a historian, Franjo Tuđman had not studied Istrian history directly, but he addressed it within his studies of the recent Croatian, Southern Slavic, and European history. The article also discusses Franjo Tuđman’s conduct towards Istria and its residents in the capacity of the President of the Republic of Croatia and the President of the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) based on an analysis of the reports published in the local daily Glas Istre and four speeches Tuđman had delivered in Istria at the beginning of the 1990s, as well as looks into the political views of the Istrian Democratic Assembly’s (IDS) elite on Franjo Tuđman and the politics of the Croatian Democratic Union, at whose helm he had been.
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Rënia graduale e Perandorisë Osmane në gjysmën e dytë të shek. 19 në Evropën Juglindore la një boshllëk të pushtetit i cili do ta vë në pikëpyetje rendin e paqes evropiane të arritur në Kongresin e Vjenës. Përpjekjet e popujve të Ballkanit për pavarësi hasin në simpati gjithkund në Evropë e sidomos tek qarqet romantike liberale.
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U neposrednoj blizini grada Zadra u Dalmaciji smjestilo se naselje Arbanasi, koje je dobilo naziv po katoličkim Albancima koji su se onamo doselili iz okolice Skadarskoga jezera u prvoj polovini 18. stoljeća. Sve do današnjih dana sačuvali su doseljeni Arbanasi svoje gegijsko narječje, kao i mnoge značajke narodne kulture.
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This research is devoted to a subject, beyond the control of the conceptual features of the critical geopolitics, on the basis of which is the understanding of the space. The major segments of belonging, which express the spatial identity of Bulgaria, are consistently analysed: Proto Bulgarian ethno-genetic root; Orthodox culture; Slavic ethnic and linguistic belonging; Balkan and European identity.
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