Polityka równościowa i antydyskryminacyjna w Polsce po roku 2004

Author(s): Piotr Burgoński / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

W artykule dokonano analizy "Krajowego programu działań na rzecz równego traktowania na lata 2013–2016", przyjętego przez rząd RP w 2013 r. Celem jest określenie ramy konceptualnej, na jakiej wspiera się polityka równościowa i antydyskryminacyjna polskiego rządu (policy frame). Badanie zmierza do określenia elementów tej ramy, a w szczególności pokazania, w jaki sposób polski rząd, formułując swoją politykę równościową i antydyskryminacyjną, postrzega, nazywa i strukturalizuje porządek społeczny, jak postrzega aktorów społecznych i relacje między nimi, jakie z tym postrzeganiem związane są wartości, idee oraz interesy.

References

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Political Participation of Women in BiH: The 2018 General Election

Author(s): Medina Mujić / Language(s): English

Participation of politically engaged women in political processes in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been a subject of discussion in the public sphere of Bosnia and Herzegovina for many years. This issue is most frequently addressed by civil society representatives, both men and women, relevant institutions and individual female defenders of women’s human rights. The current situation regarding representation of women in politics is not satisfactory. Yet, it is quite rarely in focus of discussions among representatives of political parties who are held responsible, informally and formally, for the lack of women’s participation in government.

Sergej Flere – intervju

Author(s): Sergej Flere,Dragan Štavljanin / Language(s): Serbian

Interview with Sergej Flere by Dragan Štavljanin.

Okolina jezika

Author(s): Svetlana Slapšak / Language(s): Serbian

Verovatno se nikada ne bih odlučila da potpisujem neku izjavu ili peticiju o jeziku i jezicima, jer sam po osnovnom akademskom usavršavanju lingvista: u ovome slučaju, praksa mi je pokazala da je potpisivanje neophodno kao politički i građanski čin, pa sam tako i uradila. Reč je o Deklaraciji o zajedničkom jeziku, o kojoj ćete u hrvatskoj Wikipediji moći pročitati samo da je oštro napadnuta, i zatim dugi niz imena onih koji su je napali: dato je vrlo malo podataka o tome ko ju je inicirao i kako je nastala. Zvuči kao nedvosmislena denuncijacija. Već to bi bio dovoljan razlog, ali imala sam i svoj. Nedavno sam jedan svoj tekst priređivala za hrvatsko izdanje, odnosno kroatizirala. Kako nisam bila sigurna u nekim formulacijama, napravila sam eksperiment i pustila fragment teksta na „srpskom“ kroz Google Translate, da bih dobila prevod na „hrvatskom“. U tekstu je bilo i ime Vuka Karadžića, koje je takođe „prevedeno“ – u Dinka (Dominka) Zlatarića, velikog dubrovačkog filologa, pesnika i prevodioca. To je bio najjasniji znak da je dara prevršila meru, odnosno da je proces ideološkog kasapljenja, posle naivnog menjanja i izmišljanja termina i usiljenog nacionalizovanja jezika, došao i do druge faze, kulturnog izolacionizma. Potpisivanje Deklaracije postalo je neophodni moralni čin, kao što je jugoslovenstvo danas, po Viktoru Ivančiću, političko i moralno opredeljenje.

An International Handbook of Good Practices for Building Resilience against Violent Religious Radicalisation

Author(s): Rositsa Dzhekova,Lilia Yakova / Language(s): English

This handbook was created within the framework of the GREASE consortium which focuses on examining the relationship between radicalisation, secularism and the governance of religion. The main objective of the handbook is to outline good practices on resilience-building against violent religious radicalisation. It accomplishes this goal by combining practices from twelve in-depth case studies on violent religious radicalisation in countries in “the West” (Australia, Belgium, France, Germany, the UK), the MENA region (Egypt, Morocco, Tunisia), South and Southeast Asia (Indonesia, Malaysia) and countries with history of ethno-nationalist separatist struggles (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Russia). Based on shared practices, themes and commonalities across this range of country cases, the handbook outlines a common set of good practices. It illustrates these good practices though real examples from the country studies while it recognises that there is “no panacea to violent religiously-inspired radicalisation.” Although the handbook does not make claims that the good practices it identifies are the solution to violent religious radicalisation, such practices can provide valuable practical guidance and orientation to relevant stakeholders in designing resilience efforts. CSD contributed to the content of the handbook through results from the case study it conducted on good practices in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Prisilna asimilacija, internacije i masakri. Položaj pokatoličenih Srba u Velikoj župi Baranja 1941–1942.

Author(s): Milan Radanović / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Jedna od najznačajnijih karakteristika Nezavisne Države Hrvatske (NDH) jeste neprijateljstvo njenog režima prema srpskom narodu i Srpskoj pravoslavnoj crkvi (SPC). Nijedna fašistička država koja je egzistirala tokom Drugog svjetskog rata nije sprovela tako široko zamišljeno i organizovano čišćenje državne teritorije od pripadnika neke tradicionalne hrišćanske zajednice kako je to učinila ustaška država kada je riječ o ekspulziji srpske pravoslavne zajednice. Riješenje srpskog pitanja u NDH pored direktne fizičke eliminacije podrazumijevalo je organizovano protjerivanje te ubrzanu i nasilnu nacionalnu asimilaciju. [...]

Inteligența liderilor politici

Author(s): Bruno Stefan / Language(s): Romanian

Survey conducted between 12-20 January 2019 on a national sample of 1099 people. He measured the voting intentions in the European elections, the estimated IQ of national and international political leaders, the most desired future MEPs, their expectations, the perception of Prime Minister Viorica Dăncilă, confidence in political leaders.

Problema cetăţeniei refugiaţilor basarabeni din România, aspect al luptei pentru păstrarea identităţii naţionale

Author(s): Mihaela TEODOR / Language(s): Romanian Publication Year: 0

În contextul discuţiilor aprinse din ultimul timp pe margi- nea legii privind acordarea cetăţeniei române basarabenilor şi bucovinenilor, mi-am pus întrebarea dacă cetăţenia ar putea fi un aspect al identităţii naţionale. În acelaşi timp am încercat să descopăr dacă în trecut a existat un alt moment de discuţii aprinse privind cetăţenia română a basarabenilor. Imediat după 23 august 1944 a existat un astfel de moment, în care soarta refugiaţilor din Basarabia şi Bucovina de Nord a depins de evoluţia discuţiilor în jurul articolului cinci al Convenţiei de Armistiţiu, privind cetăţenia acestor refugiaţi şi implicit a tuturor locuitorilor din teritoriile cedate în 1940.

Impactul Evenimentelor Din Vara Anului 1940 Asupra Locuitorilor De Origine Evreiască Din Basarabia

Author(s): Florin Stan / Language(s): Romanian Publication Year: 0

Anul 1940, an tragic în istoria românilor, a marcat sfârşitul graniţelor României Mari. Într-un context în care evoluţia ostilităţilor celei de-a doua conflagraţii mondiale a impus autorităţilor române o reorientare diplomatică, din mers, de partea Axei, politica internă fiind, de asemenea, afectată de considerente externe şi determinări care au adus atingere inclusiv coabitării populaţiei române cu una dintre etniile bine reprezentate în cadrul demografiei României , acest an a premers momentului care a marcat „fracturarea unei lungi convieţuiri”. Din această perspectivă considerăm utilă tratarea impactului evenimentelor din vara anului 1940 asupra locuitorilor de origine evreiască din Basarabia, condiţie a înţelegerii extinse a dimensiunii manifestării unui fenomen care a afectat poporul evreu la scară europeană.

Transformările identitare în mediul intelectualităţii din Republica Sovietică Socialistă Moldovenească între anii 50' ‑ 80' ai secolului al XX‑lea

Author(s): Angela Lisnic / Language(s): Romanian Publication Year: 0

Studiul de faţă are ca obiect de cercetare mediul intelectual din Republica Sovietică Socialistă Moldovenească (RSSM) în perioada anilor '50 – '80 ai secolului al XX-lea, văzut ca parte componentă a mediului intelectual din sistemul sovietic. Obiectivul urmărit este axat pe sublinierea transformărilor identitare de tip etnic şi social ale intelectualităţii din RSSM prin prisma constituirii şi evoluţiei sistemului totalitar de tip comunist, cu scopul de a evidenţia schimbările care au intervenit în acest grup social.

Criza identitară din Republica Moldova în contextul globalizării

Author(s): Lucia Sava / Language(s): Romanian Publication Year: 0

Identitatea naţională se formează în epoca naţionalismului, atunci când societăţile s-au organizat conform principiului naţional. Procesul a fost cu certitudine dirijat de autorităţi, după ce au luat naştere pe parcurs instituţiile naţionale. Din acel moment limbii şi culturii majorităţii, tradiţiilor şi istoriei naţionale li se acordă un loc central. Rezultatul final al unui proces reuşit de construcţie naţională este, printre altele, crearea identităţii naţionale.

Reprezentarea minorităţilor naţionale la nivel local – O evaluare a legislaţiei electorale româneşti pe baza rezultatelor alegerilor locale din 2004 şi 2008

Author(s): István Gergő Székely / Language(s): English,Romanian

The paper assesses Romanian legislation regarding the representation of national minorities (except the Hungarians) in local councils. Most minorities are still seriously underrepresented in the local decisional fora, despite the existence of a special provision in the electoral law of 2004, that grants some sort of affirmative action for minority organizations. In order to evaluate the utility of this special provision, I re-analyzed the results of the last two local elections, comparing the actual results of the minority organizations to the hypothetical results they would have obtained in the absence of the special rule, that is, if they had been treated alike to the mainstream political parties. This allowed the identification of those cases when the minorities indeed benefited from the affirmative action provided by the law. Unfortunately, the scope of applicability of the special rule proved to be very limited, the minority organizations would have obtained most of their seats also without the application of the special provision. Moreover, the provision may have even adverse effects, as it may prevent some organizations from obtaining seats even if they obtained a number of votes that would have been sufficient for getting represented if they had been treated alike to the political parties. This is due to the logic behind the special provision, which advantages a single minority organization, often to the expense of the others. The net gain of seats due to the regulation is so small that one can conclude that there is no point for retaining the regulation in its present shape. The minorities have realized this too, and they initiated a bill in order to replace the current system with something very similar to the regulations in force at the level of the Chamber of Deputies. The paper briefly assesses this proposal too, however, the conclusions are not very optimistic in this regard either.

Construcţia identitară la comunităţile turcă şi tătară din Dobrogea

Author(s): Adriana Cupcea / Language(s): Romanian

The present study is a primary effort to identify and decript the identitary dynamics of the two most ancient ethnic communities of Romania, the Turks and Tatars. As a context framing, the paper shows the historic and demographic evolution of the Turks and the Tatars all throughout the 20th century. Chronologically, the emphasys falls upon the communist period, to better envisage the way in which political, economic and social changes in the era were reflected in the ethnic and religious structures of the Turks and the Tatars in Dobrogea and consequently to extend on identitary evolutions after 1990. By adding the archive research to journalistic text analysis and field research (interviews, participative observation), the study traces the memory patterns of the communist period, the types of relations and attitudes created in relation to the regime, together with the evolution of self-image and image of the other (Turk-Tatar), generated by the main identitary landmarks: ethnicity, religion, origins, mother tongue and traditions, inside the socialist society as well as after the fall of the communism.

Kosti bande

Author(s): Viktor Ivančić / Language(s): Croatian

U rujnu 1994. godine tadašnji dalmatinski župan Kruno Peronja, član HDZ-a, poslao je općinskim načelnicima interni dekret čiji je sadržaj bio sljedeći: „Pošto dobijete potrebito stručno mišljenje, temeljem istog na sjednici Vašeg poglavarstva donesite odgovarajuće odluke o skidanju spomen ploča i obilježja s javnih mjesta, te sukladno dobijenom stručnom mišljenju, njihovom sklanjanju u odgovarajuće prostore radi svjedočenja o vremenu koje je, na sreću, iza nas. Poglavarstva za tu namjenu trebaju osigurati sredstva za pokriće troškova skidanja i sklanjanja u namijenjene prostore, te odrediti poduzeće, radnju ili djelatnika koji će za te poslove biti ovlašteno te ih obaviti najkasnije do 31. listopada 1994.“

Nova uklanjanja partizanskih spomenika u Hrvatskoj

Author(s): Dragan Markovina / Language(s): Croatian

Ako postoji nešto što je suvremena Hrvatska patentirala kao vlastiti izum, s čitavim nizom inovacija, to je obračun s neželjenom spomeničkom baštinom. Jasna stvar je da neželjenu spomeničku baštinu predstavljaju u prvom redu spomenici posvećeni Narodnooslobodilačkoj borbi, potom oni koji se odnose na baštinu Srba u Hrvatskoj, zatim oni koji na bilo koji način slave jugoslavensku ideju te na koncu oni posvećeni lijevoj tradiciji i ljudima s ljevice. Ukoliko je pak riječ o kombinaciji dva ili više navedenih faktora, što je prilično čest slučaj, takvi se spomenici uklanjaju s dodatnim guštom. Povod za nastanak ovog teksta su dva aktualna slučaja. Prvi, u kojem je HDZ-ov načelnik ličke općine Perušić, koristeći sumanute i kontradiktorne izgovore, odlučio iz središnjeg gradskog parka ukloniti partizanski spomenik, koji je ujedno kosturnica, zbog navodne rekonstrukcije parka i pretvaranja istog u dječje igralište, s idejom da ga premjesti na zabačenu lokaciju. Drugi se odnosi na Zadar, u centru kojeg je, ako ste sumnjali, u sklopu projekta rekonstrukcije parka upravo uklonjen spomenik osnivanju prve ćelije KPJ u tom gradu, ovdje pak s idejom gradonačelnika da se spomenik smjesti u muzej.

Diskurs sjećanja u sjeni prošlosti 20. stoljeća

Author(s): Nada Kisić Kolanović / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Author analyzes discursive praxis in confronting the past and reasons why such approach is considered as a stabilizing concept within historiography. The example of holocaust and its implementation within national and transnational memory of the entire humankind shows how history and memory coexist. Namely, a historiography is inspired by a new model of ethical awareness that imposes revealing of a negative memory in order to avoid repetition and manipulation of the remembrance, especially regarding possible retroactive justification of historical crimes. Generally speaking, such a concept of confronting the past opens question about “negative memories”, and maintains idea that not speaking about historical evil enables its possible return in the future. From the perspective of historical memory one can say that historiography today emphasizes its ethical orientation. Historians today do not have a monopoly on interpreting the past, and this fact enables dialogue between historiography and other scholarly disciplines. Namely, during the last twenty years many sociologists, anthropologists, psychologists, literary scholars and philosophers contributed a lot in the investigation of contradictions and anomalies that accompany transformation of a living communicated remembrance to the commemorative and institutionalized memory. The question of transformation of individual remembrance to collective memory is rather well investigated in the relation to the meaning and significance of social obligation towards a social group, especially regarding question of merging or debarring of certain memories. Author also points out some examples of making the memories in Croatia during the transition period in 1990s’. Moreover, question of rememorizing the World War Two (1941-1945) is discussed in comparison to the rising of social importance of the remembrance of the Homeland War (1991- 1995), especially in the relation to the decisions of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. The fall of the Berlin wall in 1989 and collapse of communism in the Central and South-Eastern Europe provoked numerous nationalistic re-interpretations in the small local historiographies. Consequently, some of the Croatian historians during 1990s’ treated their nation as a victim, and confronting the past was rather strongly present in the investigation of victims of communism 1945- 1990, which was necessary at that time because of the need to create a social balance. Nowadays some recent studies show that Croatian historians are more open towards new theoretical approaches within the research field of culture of remembrance. Finally, there is an open question of memorial function of the Homeland War 1991-1995. Namely, many analysts think that international justice has failed in the case of processing crimes during the Yugoslav war. If the International Court of Justice took more clear and undisputable position regarding crime against peace that was committed by Milošević’s Serbia during the aggression to Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, we could do much more effective work regarding negation of mass crimes and recurrence of genocide in Europe.

Bosna i Hercegovina u Kraljevstvu Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, s posebnim osvrtom na stanje u Hercegovini (1918.–1921.)

Author(s): Ivica Lučić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

With the outbreak of the war and the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy Bosnia and Hercegovina became a centre of “national concentration” and the newly proclaimed state. The government of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes was taken over by the Serbian political elite which ascribed to Bosnia and Hercegovina the role of a unified area which would prevent the creation of any kind of Croatian state while strengthening the newly created state and the Serbian dominance within it. The new government established its authority through terror and violence directed against the non-Serbian peoples. It attempted to undermine every political action or publicly expressed demand of the Croats for a federal unit, or an independent state. Mu-slims saw their land confiscated through the Agrarian Reform, which while in part brought to an end feudal relations and corrected historical injustices, also materially ruined numerous families. In harmony with Serbian political tradition the Constitution and other agreements merely acted as “manifestations” to appease “European public opinion.” The interests of other (non-Serbian) peoples were treated as illegitimate or anti-state activities: nationalism and separatism. Various repressive measures were directed at individuals deemed to be the carriers of these interests. Territories in the new state toward which the government lacked sympathy for national or political reasons and which did not figure into particular plans for unitarism were systematically destroyed and neglected. The key argument for unitarism and centralization was a call to the rights and “decisiveness” of the Serbian people, which was intermixed among the others to bring them to “belong to Serbia.” In this spirit the Vidovdan Constitution was brought into being which eliminated historical rights and historical lands, and created the basis for further unitarism and centralization of the state, but likewise strong reasons for dissatisfaction and resistance. States are determined by the nature of their formation. The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes came into existence due to historical circumstances as an intellectual creation and not the result of national development. Primarily, violence was used to impose “unity” and centralized government.

Der „Andere“ als Störenfried: Siedlungshistorische Anciennitätsdiskurse um Kosovo

Author(s): Konrad Clewing / Language(s): German Publication Year: 0

Kosovo ist je nach politischer und völkerrechtlicher Perspektive eine kleine Region oder (nach zunehmender internationaler Meinung und auch nach deutschem Rechtsstand-punkt) ein kleines Land im europäischen Südosten. Um seine knapp bemessene Fläche von weniger als 11.000 Quadratkilometern konkurrieren aber bis heute nicht bloß die Regierungen in Prishtina und in Belgrad. Auch die kosovoalbanische und die serbische Öffentlichkeit tun dies seit langem und in ihrem dominanten Mainstream unter völlig verschiedenen Prämissen.

EU at Crossroads

Author(s): Josip Juratović / Language(s): English

Similar to provisions of the German Constitution, Article 1 of the Lisbon Treaty defines common values on the basis of which the European Union perceives itself as united. However, in the face of the current and further deepening of economic misbalances since 2008, the migration trends intertwined with crises in its areas and now the coronavirus pandemic, this quote seems, more than ever before, like a document from ancient times. The European Union is at a crossroads and all its members, particularly Germany, now have to decide: should we finally act in line with the defined values or burry together with them the dream of a united continent that is more than just a sum of a number of national states?