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The text invites the reader to reflect upon civil activity taken in unexpected places and forms, and going beyond its conventional notions. The first thesis put forward is that members of isolated homogeneous communities (young people in particular) rather than evading civil activity practise civil idleness, much in line with what society expects of them. From this stems our next thesis, which prompts to seek civil activity somewhere else.
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The main cause for identity transformations among Galician Jews were the 19th-century modernization processes. They represented a particular challenge to the previous formulas of collective as well as individual life. As they worked in three ways, they produced different effects. In some cases, the challenges of modernity were met not only with a voluntary and positive response, but also with enthusiasm and fascination with the long-awaited “new.” In other cases, they were accepted passively, under external and sometimes also internal pressure. The result of such acceptance was a forced adjustment of one’s actions, behavior and forms of existence to the new ways. Finally, the third attitude consisted of a tough and effective resistance, a rejection of the change which could, however, have left certain traces in the mentality of those “relentless.” Such position was consistently adopted by the orthodox and the Galician Hasidim. Collective identity, as a sum (not a sequence) of individual identities, is never one-dimensional. Thus, its new elements were an addition to the already existing ones or brought about their further modification. Still, in both cases the effect was a certain new quality. Nevertheless, despite the ongoing transformations, there remained within it a constant component of a cultural character. It determined the overall shape of the identity of Galician Jews, who were different from their fellow believers from Russia, Prussia or even other provinces of the Habsburg Monarchy. Strengthened for almost 150 years, this constant proved more lasting than the country in which it came into being and developed. Galician Jews outlived the Habsburg Monarchy and Galicia itself, cultivating the memory of the old world and their life in it. Both those who stayed in place and those who settled in Palestine or found their new fatherland in the United States, retained, for another generation at least, the elements of Galician identity in various forms.
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Drawing upon Paulo Drinot's works on how racialized assumptions have been central to the transition toward industrialization, and neoliberalism in early 20th-, and early 21st-century Peru, respectively, this monograph analyses how contemporary powerful state agents efficiently naturalize whiteness among Peruvians by equating it with progress and constructing the non-core group as a racialized “Other”, in and through the articulation of language and meaning. I claim that direct, naked, and offensive anticommunist and anti-indigenous language is not the only, or the most efficient, way in which an antagonism is constructed in contemporary Peru. By understanding how whiteness operates in political rhetoric, we will be able to visualize more clearly how even the most common, widely accepted, and allegedly inoffensive expressions can be effective in the construction of racial antagonisms. In order to accomplish these objectives and support these claims, I will engage Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe's theory of discourse.
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The paper presents an overview of the language situation and language policy carried out by different states in the region of Banat which had shaped language ideology of the Banat Germans, from Habsburg Monarchy and Austro-Hungary, to Yugoslavia and Socialist Yugoslavia later. The analysis is based upon the discourse of the Banat Germans, recorded during the fieldwork in the research interviews. Main themes concerning contemporary language practices are singled out and reflected upon.
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During the research of the ethnic identity of Carașova residents in Romania in 2015, the phenomenon of giving collective nicknames to all village inhabitants was observed. In Serbian ethnology-anthropology, as well as in other Ex-Yugoslav countries, this phenomenon has almost gone unnoted so far. The awareness of this phenomenon is not signifcantly higher in larger scientific communities, either (for instance, in the USA, in Spain), though it did receive a slightly better theoretical and empirical coverege in Romania and Russia. As opposed to etnologists and anthropologists, Serbian linguists are well acquainted with this phenomenon, but they have failed to provide sufficient empirical data on the subject. The present paper is an attempt to contribute to the understanding of this phenomenon. Village nicknames can be understood as an element in a system which, apart from nicknames, consists of invectives and stereotypes in a more narrow sense of the term. The initial hypothesis was that the Carașovians employed nicknames as an alternative form of communication and/or signifying, used in order to regulate social relations. Following this hypothesis, seven Carașovian villages, united by this polyfunctional system of signifying into a unique whole, were observed. The results of this research and data analysis are presented here.
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For over a decade now, we have been able to observe the increasing convergence of the media, thus leading to a unifying tendency in the forms of media message, a fusion of different styles and languages as well as of informational practices. The Internet plays more than a trifling role in this process, as thanks to its abilities both the untested and even the unknown are being equally explored. It seems that radio as an audio phenomenon of the 1930s is also undergoing this omnipresent tendency, losing its “original” [specifically its audio] identity. In the article, I raise the question of what chance radio has as a [traditional] audio medium in the context of ubiquitous stylistic multimedia unification.
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Folk dance is a cultural indicator of the society to which it belongs and a way of expressing the society’s identity. At the same time, they are the creations of public knowledge that is featured to be a mirror of society with its structure, contents and functions. In this context, Silifke folk dances are one of the elements of folklore that reflects the culture of the region. Until today, an independent folklore study on the Silifke folk dances has not been done, so that is why this issue is chosen. In the study, firstly the information about the concepts of play and folk dancing are given, and the place and the importance of it are explained together with the opinions of various folklore researchers. Later on, the information collected from the Silifke county of Mersin province which is our research area is given about the environs of the folk dances, the forms of performance, the clothing of women and men and the tools used during the dance etc. In addition to this, the story of the emergence of nine folk games we have compiled in weddings, festivals, military ceremonies, circumcision ceremonies and festivals is briefly mentioned. In this study, it is aimed to determine the folk dances which belong to the Silifke region and record them so that the dances will be transferred to future generations.
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The Crimeans who were dispersed over the world after the occupation of Crimea by the Russians in 1783, are now living in a diaspora. The Crimean Tatars in Turkey’s Eskişehir which is the city with the biggest Tatar population in the country, have maintained their diasporic identities by living a withdrawn life for many years. After 1980, the studies about exile were largely carried out around the concepts such as globalism, locality, cultural identities and cultural hybridity. In this respect, it would be significant to examine how the diasporic communities in Turkey constructed their identities and the way this construction adapted to the spirit of the time. Rituals and ceremonies are the most important tools to carry on the diasporic identitiy and to draw the borders of the community so as to exclude the ones who do not belong in it. Therefore this study aims to understand how the social life of the Crimean Tatars changed by examining their wedding rituals between the years 1945 and 2010. In the study, in-depth interviews have been carried out with 25 Crimean Tatars living in Eskişehir whose ages ranged between 45 and 81. Through analyzing these interviews, the wedding ceremonies were examined in the periods of 1945-1970, 1970-1985 and 1985-2014.
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The paper explicates Hans Mol’s basic principles of identity theory of religion focusing on the relationship of the central theoretical concepts in the context of his sociology of religion – concept based on observing the relation between social production of the structure of the identity and the sacred. It is shown that religion for Hans Mola is understandable and determinable from the perspective of “mechanism of sacralization of the identity” specifying each of its constituent elements. The paper positions the role that Hans Mol took up on the debate about the secularization of the sixties and seventies from which certain conclusions can be made that the debate had the famous “theoretical logic of sociology” (Jeffrey C. Alexander). Among other things, the paper discusses also the authentic consequences of the “identity theory of religion” which are expressed in the form of sacralization of any scientific or political discourse. This paper is structured from introduction, three chapters and conclusion.
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The author's aim of the analysis presented in the article is an attempt of answering the question: are we able to protect and save Latin civilization? His considerations are based mainly on theories of Feliks Koneczny and Henri Massis but also other philosophers, who agree that we should protect Christian values, are mentioned. The author notices that Islamic State is a real danger to biological and cultural existence of western Europe. He also points that we should protect our own civilization from the external threat – especially evoking last occurrences in Paris or Middle East, because they clearly show that strives between civilizations might affect the armed conflicts. The article reveals that protecting Latin civilization is a real challenge for contemporary western society as it is facing permanent attacks from extraneous civilizations.The author points that as a consequence we might suffer from debasement of morals and losing our own unique identity.
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Review of: Şener Aktürk "Ethnicity Regimes and Nationality in Germany, Russia and Turkey", Çev.Volkan Eke, İstanbul Bilgi University Yayınları, I. Baskı, İstanbul 2015, 366 pages, ISBN: 978-605-399-376-6. by: Tuğba Erdem
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This article discusses the efforts of Armenian and Jewish minority population in Turkey taking place in the Armenian and Jewish identity movement, against the assimilation by protecting and introducing their identities. The study also shows their efforts for being visible in the society by selfidentification in today’s Turkey. The main purpose of the study is to show that the outreach process of the Armenians and the Jews, which started in 1990's, contains an effort for introducing their identities to the other groups and majority by media and cultural activities, for protecting their cultural values that are in danger of disappearance. This process entails to be integrated into the society instead of to be assimilated by it or in other words, to be "Turkey-fied" instead of "Turkified". By embarking from the datas gathered from the interviewees, who are significant figures of their ethnic groups, the study indicates that the outreach process leans on an identity strategy, which is shared by the actors of both of the two groups, "to become integrated with self- identification". Even though our interviewees execute by administrators, active members and opinion leaders of Armenian and Jewish organizations, our study, does not focus on the organizations’ statements and discourses. Rather it comprises of the individual and subjective discourses of them. In other words, our study leans on the evaluation of the identity perceptions and the strategies of the active actors among the Armenians and the Jews with a comparative approach.
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This paper considers the Irish Catholic identity in Northern Ireland as a religious nationalism case in which religion and nationalism intertwine.. The aim is to display that religious nationalism is not an authentic type of nationalism that belongs to a specific religion or a specific region, and to show the effects of historical dynamics on the emergence of religious nationalism through a European example In this context, firstly by referring to the relationship between religion and nationalism, the concept of religious nationalism will be defined. Secondly, the social structure of Northern Ireland will be handled in the framework of religious nationalism by especially highlighting the historical process of identification of Irishness with Catholicism and the continuity of this identification today.
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How the collective memory and the changing conjuncture affect the Istanbul Greeks? In this paper the subject of “being other” is studied by examining Greeks (“Rûm”) living in Turkey. In this respect the main problematic is investigated through semi structured interviews in order to understand if Greeks who are living in Turkey felt themselves otherised by the government and the society. To begin with, it could be said that in the historical process in many events they had been “otherised” or “foreign” by the society and in the changing and transforming environment, they are still continued to be otherised. Although some of them state that they have been otherised socially while the others indicate that they feel as “other” because of the public regulations, they do not want to attribute the otherisation behaviour to the whole society. To conclude, groups that are not a part of the sunni-muslim society have been otherised commonly which could also be understood by examining the decrerasing numbers of Greek people living in Turkish society. However, it is important to note that in this study a limited sample could be examined only, therefore the results do not reflect the general outlook.
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Identity is a complex phenomenon and so is conflict. When examining the two together we can understand why some of the world’s most difficult ethnic conflicts are long term and protracted. This paper aims to analyze how identity and conflict could prevent and manage conflicts, caused by different perceptions of the identity. After all, identity can be used to escalate conflicts and connected with power and resources, identity can also be used to de-escalate conflicts as well. The purpose of this paper is to make a comparative study of the relationship between identity and conflict.
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Nusayries live in Lebanon, Syria as well as in Southern provinces in Turkey including Adana, Mersin and particularly Hatay. Among several religious and ethnic groups living in Turkey are Nusayries who adhere to a particular religious sect based on the principle of secrecy. The most distinguishing features of Nusayriye are the deification of the Caliph Ali, the strength of Khezr and the shrine belief, reincarnation, the influence of Christianity and “the Unclehood tradition”. The Unclehood tradition emerges not only as a means of enculturation but also as an ritual of puberty, whereby teenage boys are given by “ the Uncles” the religious knowledge on Nusayriye and the forms of social behaviours. The Uncle is determined by “the boy’s”. The Unclehood tradition is not only a form of conjectural relationships but also an educational process in which the boy acquires the cultural identity of Nusayriye.
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Georgian language, one of the oldest languages and 14 original alphabets in the world, is the official language of Georgia. Besides, it has the feature of being a cornerstone for the Georgians from past to now, to have a state. Georgian language and culture is base of Georgian ethnical entity. Georgian, borrowing a lot of vocabularies from Ural-Altaic and Indo-Eurepean languages because of its geopolitical position and cultural exchanges, has been improving very rapid range in the fields of science, culture, education and modern intercommunication. The status of Georgian language has been determined as the formal language of the country by the Georgian Constitution. Official functions of the language have been determined by a language committee running under the Georgian presidency. Many researches have been done on Georgian langauge in various countries; the most important Cartveology centers being in Italy and Germany. The sensitiviy of Georgians, who have tried much to develop their language for the last two centuries, can be commented as a strive to save Georgian from effects of other languages. Georgia has taken concrete steps in favor of the minorities’ learning Georgian. That representatives of the minorities are given opportunity to study one year of free Georgian education can be given as an example for that policy. The authority of Georgian language as the official languge of the country is reinforced within all institutions. Conflicts are resolved through Georgian language and by doing so an interaction is provided among the ethnical communities in the country. It is observed that the recent policies performed to make the Georgian language a genuine language of the state in real sense are partially successful; it can be foreseen, however, that much more serious steps will be taken under the light of the ongoing experiences and practices.
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Identity, which create by difference of “us and them”, emerge with marginalising can be cause increasing racism policies and attitudes in society. In conjunction with end of the Cold War and collopse of Sovet Unions, Russian Federation’s "them" perspective hasn’t much changed. In historical perspective, not only show a marked improvement “them” perceiving, and also it can be still the same approach to Northern Caucauses Nations in Russian Federation. Violent actions of racist groups can be strikingly remarkable in Russia. The target of this violence action is the other ethnic and religious groups living in country. Besides the presence of pro-neo-Nazi racist groups, there are political formations which draw attention with extreme racist and hate messages, in political area. Hence this study will examine the racist and violent actions, occurring in the Russian Federation.
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The aim of this essay is to narrate the discussions of the European and Russian Socialists upon the national question and also to investigate the contribution of Sultan Galiev to these discussions. The discussions on the national question particularly came to life around the First World War. Apart from some scholars/politicians, by the effect of the War, Socialists brought national interests into the forefront and this nationalization/ national orientation got the II. International separated. In Russia, instead of exporting the socialism, Stalin carried out the policy of implementing the socialism just in one country. The most important contribution of the Galiev to the discussions on the national question is to change the platform of the exploitation from the relation of proletariat-bourgeois classes to the relation of oppressed nations-exploiter countries. Galiev, considering that the Western proletarian is in cooperation with the imperialist capitalists therefore this class will not revolutionize, holds by being founded of the Socialist International in the manner of supporting the struggle of the exploited countries against the colonists and the shifting the route to the West.
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Political events in Ukraine resulted in Crimea’s self-determination. Its separation from Ukraine and unification with Russia caused criticisms. This situation is stemmed from tense relations between Russia and West and from the problematic structure of self-determination. In their official declarations, Crimea’s and Russia’s reference to Kosovo’s self-determination leads to question Kosovo and self-determination. Examples of Kosovo and Crimea are different from and against the right of self-determination that has widespread acceptance in international law. Both instances have common elements. Previously, internal self-determination options like autonomy were tried to be implemented but they were not successful. Kosovo and Crimea preferred to use option of external self-determination. Through addition of political conditions, opportunity is offered to choose secession via self-determination. This situation indicates that internal self-determination options have to be enhanced and the ones who want to alter current character of the right have to focus on right’s internal options.
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