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This article deals with Turkey’s increasing involvement and activism in the Balkan Peninsula between 2002 and 2022, under the rule of the Justice and Development Party and asks two different questions 1) If the Balkan elites perceive the policies implemented by Turkey differently and relatively pejoratively, what is the reason for this and how can we explain it theoretically? 2) What kind of differences does the current position of Turkey-Balkan relations cause us to observe in classical international relations? To answer these questions, this study seeks to shed much needed light on this aspect of Turkish relations with its Balkan neighbours in the context of the broader shift in Turkish domestic and foreign policy under the AKP from a realist-secular orientation to an ambiguous Sunni Islamic. Therefore, it explains the complex relations between religion, nostalgia and identity, and its reflections on state power.
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Who am I? Meanders of National Identity on the Example of the Fate of an Ethnic Pole Ivan Iosifovich Osinsky. The article presents the profile of an ethnic Pole Ivan Iosifovich Osinskiy, professor at Buryatia State University. It presents the process of formation of his national identity, the influence of individual elements (family, local community, professional environment, among others) on its formation. Emphasising Osinski’s sense of national identification is based on the model of the triad of identity: inherited, acquired, presented.
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The aim of this article is to show how the Ottoman millet system and its reform (Tanzimat) influenced the common image of Albanians among the Balkan nations. The first part of the article describes briefly the millet system and the role of Albanians in the reform of the system and the Ottoman Empire in general. The second part is based on ethnographical fieldwork (2005–2008 and 2015–2016) and presents various elements of the image of an Albanian that are a result of Ottoman rule in the Balkans. In the conclusion, it is underlined that the interpretation of the earlier mentioned elements differs and depends on one’s particular nationality and ethnic identity.
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Scholarly works on pipeline vandalism have paid extensive attention to empirical questions of causes and consequences. But there remains a dearth of studies on the representation of the acts of vandalism in newspapers, which is necessary for evaluating what message about the problem is being disseminated to the citizens and how that could contribute to resolving the problem or sustaining it. This paper examines the identity construction for critical social actors in Nigerian newspaper reports on pipeline vandalism. Sixteen –news samples were purposively selected from three newspapers: The Tide, New Waves, and The Guardian published between 2015 and 2019. Theoretically, the study is anchored on a combination of Fina’s (2011) identity process and van Dijk’s (1995, 2006a, 2006b) in-group/out-group description. The analysis involved accounting for the deployment of group self-schemata (van Dijk, 1995, 2005) and ideological strategies (van Dijk, 2006) in realising the three identity processes of indexing, positioning, and local occasioning established by Fina (2011). The study finds that through a combination of media identity ascription and social actors’ positive-self description in the news reports, each of the major stakeholders in the conflict assumes an identity of innocence and responsible entity while shifting the blame to others. It concludes therefore that this could be responsible for the difficulty in ending the conflict.
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This article traces the cultural and social integration of Pomaks into post-Ottoman Turkey and the controversy over their ‘Turkishness’. Current scholarship on early republican nationalism is particularly interested in the importance of the imperial legacy in nation-building in the early republic period. Scholars discuss that the Ottoman legacy of the millet system was vital to the formation of Turkish identity because the republican elites continued to accept Muslim immigrants from the Balkans due to their Islamic background. A closer analysis of primary sources with a focus on Pomak-speaking immigrants, however, reveals not only the challenges that their cultural assimilation posed for the government but also competing versions of Turkishness within intellectual and political circles. This article argues for a complex understanding of relations between immigration and nationalism, which shows that the public acceptance of Pomaks as Turks depended on domestic factors, such as linguistic nationalism and security concerns.
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The study is based on the results of the author's survey conducted in February 2023.The sample of 1,051 respondents was selected from the roughly 400,000 Hungarian-speaking adult population of Southern Slovakia, using a quota sampling method, according to the following parameters: native Hungarian language, gender, age, education, district, county, settlement type. The paper shows that four out of five people follow political events. Two thirds of the respondents were dissatisfied with the Heger cabinet in power at the time of the survey, and only 8% were satisfied with the economic situation in the country. Three-quarters wanted early parliamentary elections. 67% would go to the polls, but past and present sympathy with a particular party greatly increases the propensity to vote, for example 93.7% of potential voters of the Alliance (Szövetség) and 83.7% of respondents of the Hungarian Forum (Magyar Fórum) would go to the polls. 59% of respondents said which party they would vote for, 41% did not. Half of the latter had not yet decided who they would vote for, 7% did not answer and 13% confirmed that they would not vote. Of those who chose a specific party, 58.3% would vote for the Alliance and 15.6% for the Hungarian Forum. Of the Slovak parties, Progresívne Slovensko (5.4%), Hlas SD (4.9%), Smer SSD (4.2%) and OĽANO (4.1%) would have received the most votes in February 2023. In addition to these topics, I discuss in detail the reasons for party preferences, the visibility and potential electorate of Hungarian and Slovak politicians in Slovakia, and finally I will outline the portrait of the voters of the Alliance and the Hungarian Forum.
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The aim of the research is to understand why the Komárom wagon-keepers passed on their feudal traditions until the first half of the 20th century. What family and occupational ties were necessary for this social stratum to survive until 1945? In order to answer this question, it is necessary to look into the history of individual clans using genealogy. This will give us a picture of family relationships, occupation, and the variability of the latter. From the study of these relationships, we can get an idea of the stratification and religious endogamy of the wagon-keepers. However, we must not forget their legal status in the town. The question arises for the wagon-owning clans: when and how many times did they prove their nobility (if at all)? Of course, there were also examples where they entered the civil order despite their noble status. The Kemenczky clan of Kemencze is relatively well documented and their activities in Komárom can be well analysed. It is possible to observe the problems caused by the misspelling of a surname, which could only be finally resolved 100 years later.
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Gitanos (Spanish Roma) have undergone major transformations in the last half-century. But in some areas, they were already successfully included in the majority society.Some have practiced “resistance to respectability” (Kaprow, 1982) but we examine a family history of Andalusian Gitanos, neither marginal nor exotic, who did not.Representing the importance of local context and choice in a determined socioeconomic conjuncture, their cultural creativity provides a positive perspective from which to look at Gitano history. Without denying negative and traumatic treatment “from above”, we attempt to move beyond exclusionary perspectives which objectify and essentialize Roma based on marginalization, discrimination and poverty. We celebrate the historical ability of Gitanos in Southern Spain to become a respected integral part of the local community, and thus seek a different perspective from which to look at the history of this community.
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The so-called russophilism of Ukrainians is an important identity and geopolitical element in the context of Eastern Eu- rope. It would be a too far-fetched simplification to explain it only by the imperial policy of russification. The territories of modern Ukraine were the centre of historical Rus. Tsarist Russia built its national mythology on the basis of its tradition. Enlightened Ruthenian or Ukrainian elites were the co-creators of this mythology. The tradition of the Orthodox Church, also known as the Ruthenian Church, is bound not only because of the doctrine of faith but also by external shapes: language, common saints, common names, etc. Under Russia’s rule, rusophilism was a kind of natural state of mind for Ukrainians. The emergence of a strong russophile unvironment under the rule of Austria and Hungary testified to the deep roots of this kind of understanding of one’s own identity. Despite the fight against russophilia in the 20th century, it remained deeply rooted in the consciousness of some of the inhabitants of Ukraine. This explains the current situation in this country, the war, and the social crisis.
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Review of: Emin Kabashi, Lufta për lirinë e atdheut dhe familja (Veprimtaria e familjes Osmani në SHBA), botoi Instituti Albanologjik, Prishtinë, 2020 / The Osmani Brothers and the Albanian cause in the USA (The patriotic activism of the Osmani family in the USA), përkthyer nga Alexandra Channer, ShB “Koha”, Prishtinë, 2022.
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In this article, the author presents a biography of Dr Stanko Korać – from his early days to his employment in Serb Cultural Society “Prosvjeta” in Zagreb in 1969. Before arriving to the Society, Korać achieved a respectable reputation as literary historian and theoretician, professor and director of the Education Sciences Academy in Karlovac, as well as author of articles published by several academic and professional institutions in Croatia and Serbia. In “Prosvjeta” he will become an editor of its Publishing House, as well as of magazine “Prosvjeta”. He published edited volumes as well as Prosvjeta's Yearbook (Ljetopis), publications whose focus was on research and public presentation of literature and culture of Serbs in Croatia. Subsequently, he gradually reduced his interest in other Croatian literature and focused almost entirely on literary works written by Serbs in Croatia. He takes as his main objective to publish his research results in academic and professional publications. In turbulent times of “Maspok”, he was a staunch defender of SCS “Prosvjeta”, as the only existent cultural institution of Serbs in Croatia. When he started warning that institutions of the Republic neglected the need for Serbs in Croatia to develop its own institutions in order to develop modern cultural consciousness, he was met with resistance to this idea. Korać was born in 1929 in Čemernica near Vrginmost in Banija, Croatia. He was orphaned in 1943, during the war. He graduated Yugoslav languages and literature as well as Russian language and literature at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences in Zagreb, where he also obtained his PhD on Croatian Novels in Modernism. He authored ten books, of which the most significant is A Review of Literary Works by Serbs in Croatia. Being Secretary to the newly re-established Prosvjeta in 1991, he left Zagreb during the conflict and died in Belgrade in 1994.
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Aim. The aim of the experiment was to check how the threat to masculinity (i.e., information that a male participant is not masculine enough) influences homophobia in men, depending on their level of normative masculinity (i.e. restrictiveness of the rules which – in the participant’s opinion – should be followed by a real man).Methods. For the measurement of male role norm levels, a Polish translation of Male Role Norm Inventory – Revised (MRNI-R) was used. Homophobia was measured through levels of acceptance for pictures displaying same-sex couples (both female and male). Masculinity challenging was conducted with a feedback message masculinity ”Your masculinity is well below average”.Results. N=96 men between the ages of 18 and 30 years took part in the study, ne=55 in the experimental group and nc=41 in the control group. Masculinity challenging did not have any influence over gay homophobia, but it caused the differences between men with high and low normative masculinity levels to dissipate.Results. The study has shown that a positive attitude toward lesbians can help to compensate the challenged masculinity (it is considered masculine). Participant’s attitude toward gays can be considered fixed and thus less prone to manipulation than their attitude toward lesbians.
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Review of: - Andrej Vujnović, Muzej Srba u Hrvatskoj. Studija slučaja. Prosvjeta, Zagreb, 2021.
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The purpose of this research is to examine the effect of cultural omnivorousness levels on restaurant preferences. Qualitative research approach was adopted in this study. At the same time, ethnographic interview method was used in order to examine the cultural consumption patterns of individuals in the study. As a result of the research, the findings are presented in two categories: cultural participation and the relationship between cultural participation and restaurant preferences. The result of the research shows that some people interviewed have a different and hierarchical judgment of taste in restaurant preferences. Cultural consumption, as a reflection of cultural omnivorousness, serves to make sense of people's tastes/likes. However, there has not been found such an examination of restaurant choice and its use in cultural omnivorousness studies. This article fills the identified gap, adding to the discussion about restaurant choice and cultural consumption.
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We live in the era of globalization and are witnessing profound economic, political, and cultural transformations. In the context of the continuous process of international integration, the world has separated into two hostile camps: the followers and the opponents of globalism. Against the background of the controversial discussions between the two camps about the probability of success or failure of the globalist plan, there is increasing talk about ethnocentrism. In the present study, we will interpret the concept of ethnocentrism from the perspective of the globalization process, we will elucidate the existing relationships between the phenomena of ethnocentrism, xenocentrism, and cultural relativism; we will analyze the impact of ethnocentrism on the communication of young people in a multicultural context.
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The article analyses fashion as a reflex of philosophy of identity in everyday life. Contemporary fashion is not imaginable without postulation of national and/or regional identity. Worldly recognisable French, Italian and other regional fashions show a variety of models that have recognisability. Internationally recognisable as fashion that represents particular national identity it still can be seen as not the only possible its identity version. Contemporary variety in identity models in fashion design are reflecting identity models in general. Identity is understood as changeable and liquid that can reflect aspects of identity depending on participants of interaction. Fashion, differently, is a form of mass communication that does not change the message depending on the receiver.
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Identity is the answer to the questions an individual asks themself about who they are. The basic characteristic of identity consturction is that this answer has a structure that includes continuity, integrity, and consistency. Acquiring identity is one of the essential psychological needs. As the person who introduced this term to psychology, Erik Ericson has formed the basis for many identity theories. The search for identity, which makes itself felt seriously during adolescence, forms the basis for a balanced and sustainable sense of identity in adulthood. The sense of identity allows the individual to define themselves in personal reality. By creating a subjective and natural perception of identity, the individual has a solid knowledge of the purpose of life. In addition to individual identity, the individual has an orientation toward internalizing the national, political, religious, and economic value judgments of the society in which they live. This orientation leads to acquired identities. The conditions formed by acquired identities create a set of molds and categories. Identity is one of the important subjects studied in psychology, sociology, and social psychology. Although there are many studies on identity construction for individuals and groups on social scientific grounds, there are few studies on the role of religion in identity perception. This study, aim to address the relationship between identity perception and religious life in young people. In this context, the construction of identity as a personal reality developed young people developed for themselves, the effects of religious identity on young people’s lives and the extend to which the perception of identity is influenced by religion are examined in a approach. In this study, which was carried out by following the qualitative research method, data were collected from 10 female and 10 male students studying at the undergraduate level at Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt University Faculty of Islamic Sciences by interview technique. Since 2 participants stated that they wanted to withdraw from the interview during the interview, the responses given by 18 participants were evaluated. The answers given by the participants were analyzed by content analysis and the findings were interpreted scientifically. When the participant’s individual and situational identity perceptions are analyzed, the first element that stands out is that young people had no awareness of themselves before. Only four participants define themselves through national and spiritual identity, while one defines himself/herself through a religious group. Despite all these negativities, religion is seen only as a means of relaxation and safety.
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The aim of this article is to present the results of empirical research on ambivalent and problem relationships inside the kinship network in three groups: early adulthood, middle-aged adult and younger senior. The research also included the question of family roles that evoke am- bivalence. The study was conducted in 2021 on a sample of 109 adult person ages 20-69 who completed diagrams of their close and problematic relationships. Social ties were classified as solely close, solely problematic, or ambivalent, based on the network placement. Findings of this study indicates that overarching sentiments toward relationships differ as a function of the degree of closeness one has to different relatives, intensity of close feelings toward the family member, and individuals’ ages. Dyads that evoke ambivalence are: sister–sister, mother–daughter, son–father, brothe–brother and relationhips: son–mother and sister–brother. Relationships with aunts and co- usins are also classified as problematic. In the last part on this study the author indicates reasons for producing ambivalence in these nodes of kinship network uses the power-status theory of emo- tions, developed by Theodore D. Kemper.
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Memory belongs to the order of the world of culture and controls the rules of social life, both group and individual. Memory is the tissue of collective life, the center of concentration and the guarantor of cultural and social identity, and its loss, misappropriation or neglect lead to the breakdown of social bonds, and ultimately to the disintegration and disappearance of the community. By its very nature, memory includes the events of the past, which is ontologically closed, but remains epistemologically open. Gratitude is the realm of memory. The transfusion of memory and gratitude is necessary to preserve and nurture cultural identity both in the perspective of the dynamics of the individual’s biography and in relation to various micro- and macro-social figures of collective life.
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