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"Bleiburg" and the British Treatment of Croatian Collaborators 1945-48

Author(s): Bernd Robionek / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 0

This article highlights ways in which British military and political personnel acted towards Croatian refugees fleeing the Communist takeover in the final stages of World War II and thereafter. Although events relating to the surrender o f various pro-German and anti-Communist forces at Bleiburg, a town in south Austria near the border with Yugoslavia, and the following quarrel over "war criminals" from Yugoslavia is a complex affair, this contribution examines sources shedding light on British perspectives on the Croatian part, notwithstanding that the developments and problems treated here also affected Serbian, Slovenian and (ethnic) German nationals. As a result of this study, the changes in the intentions of the decision makers in London as well as the principal-agent problem become transparent.

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(034) CHINA’S JANUS-FACED RESPONSE TO THE ARAB REVOLUTIONS

Author(s): Jonas Parello-Plesner,Raffaelo Pantucci / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2011

China’s response to the revolutions in the Middle East and North Africa was two-faced like the Roman god Janus. In a pragmatic break with its sovereigntist approach to international relations, China inter-vened to protect thousands of its citizens and its growing commercial interests in North Africa and sup-ported UN sanctions against Muammar Gaddafi. However, since February there has also been a wi-despread crackdown to prevent the wave of protests that had engulfed the Middle East and North Africa spreading to China. The arrest of artist Ai Weiwei at the beginning of April brought this crack-down to the attention of the world. This Janus-faced response presents a dilemma for the European Union. On the one hand, it suggests that China could in the future become a partner for the EU in crisis management and that it is moving towards a more proactive foreign policy. On the other hand, China’s response to protests at home represents a clear challenge to the EU’s newfound commitment to de-mocracy promotion. The EU should therefore seek to do more crisis-management planning together with China while remaining vocal and consistent on China’s human rights and internal reform process, even if it incites Chinese anger and results in a reaction in other fields.

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(In)Efficient Use of International Law: Case Study of the Dayton System in BiH

Author(s): Tomáš Jungwirth / Language(s): English / Issue: 4/2013

This paper aims to analyse the existent legal and political system of Bosnia and Herzegovina from the viewpoint of effective applicability of international law. It first deals with the general issue of the relationship between international law, domestic political structures and the individual, consequently moving to the specific case study of the Dayton system. The question arises whether such an excessive intervention was at all capable of establishing a stable institutional framework and of uprooting the enmities between the sides to the conflict. Certain criteria for the effective application of international law are drafted, in light of which the presented data are evaluated. A critical conclusion follows, defining the key setbacks of the Dayton system and hinting to possible alternative approaches.

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(NOT SO) SPECIAL RELATIONSHIPS EXPLAINING ALLIANCE BEHAVIOUR IN THE ENGLISH SPEAKING WORLD

Author(s): Dylan Kissane / Language(s): English / Issue: 4/2010

Throughout the 20th century, the major powers in the global Anglosphere often found themselves allies in armed conflict. These war-time alliances – sometimes temporary, more often part of a longer term cooperation – are sometimes held to arise because of common histories, common values, similar national ideologies and similar notions of international right and wrong. Indeed, the political rhetoric surrounding the declarations of war has often cited such factors as colonial history, international friendship and “special relationships” as motivators for joining armed coalitions against third party states. Yet while there stand stark examples of these major English speaking powers acting entirely in congress there exist numerous instances where one or more of these powers chose not to join a coalition alongside their Anglophonic associates. This article argues that explanations of Anglophonic coalitions that rely on notions of a shared history, similar political ideologies, common political and social values or similar notions of international morality all fall short of explaining the coalition joining/rejecting behaviour of the major powers of the Anglosphere in war-time during the 20th century. Drawing on data from the Correlates of War (CoW) project, this article will show that pure national interest drove the decisions of states to join or reject coalitions, lending strong support to a structural realist explanation for their behaviour, with this conclusion presenting opportunities for re-assessing alliance politics in Eastern Europe and South America.

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(Не)реална очекивања југословенско-совјетски војни преговори 1948.

Author(s): Aleksandar Životić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2014

Yugoslav-Soviet military negotiations were initiated in an already tensed relations related to Yugoslav attitude towards the question of Balkan federation, Greek civil war and Yugoslav presence in Albania. Ambitious plans of economical and military development were contrary to country's actual possibilites as well with potential Soviet assistance. Unreallistic and overambitious Yugoslav plans for strenghtening of military industry, creation of strong, numerous and up to date equiped army, as well navy capable to react not only to defend its own coast encountered the Soviet restraint. In several occasions Soviets demonstrated willingnes to help Yugoslavs within the boundaries of their own reallistic possibilities. Disagreements between the two concepts of development, as well Yugoslav insisting on realization of their own plans resulted in Soviet denial of further assistance. Failure in military negotiations coincided with the beggining of Yugoslav-Soviet conflict which finaly led to complete interruption of military cooperation.

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11 Eylül ve Sonrası Terörizm, Petrol ve Nükleer Tehdit Ekseninde Ortadoğu

Author(s): Ramazan İzol,Samet ZENGİNOĞLU / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 2/2014

Following the attacks on the World Trade Center in the US on September 11th 2001, three points draw attention. Firstly, these attacks revealed the obligation of evaluating the phenomenon of terrorism with a distinctive method and content when compared with the Cold War period. Secondly, the debates that the essential goal for US was the intervening with Afghanistan and Iraq in 2001 and 2003 respectively was to control the resources and routes for oil, and these attacks were used as the means of legitimacy are often brought to the agenda. And lastly, during and after the intervention, the issue of nuclear threat came under fire in the Middle East, especially on the Israel–Iran line. Within this general framework, the main goal of this study is to introduce the different perspectives, views, and debates on the Middle East on the axis of three factors about 9/11 and its aftermath.

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15 Years of Walking but How Many Steps? Transitional Justice and the Role of the Print Media in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Stela Nenova / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2010

Despite 15 years of major domestic and international peacekeeping and stabilization efforts, there are still major obstacles to state building in BiH. One of the clear signs of the internal divisions and tensions has been the recent alarming trend of efforts to curtail the development of free and independent media in the country to support the process of reconciliation with the past and the growth of a strong civil society. What has been the role of the media in BiH in the process of transitional justice? Have the print media encouraged a constructive social dialogue about the past or they have contributed to further divisions among BiH citizens? This paper looks at the role of print media in the process of transitional justice in BiH. The study investigates the role of the media as a unifying or dividing factor in the process of transition in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper then looks more in depth into the case of BiH and the print media‘s role for transitional justice‘s successes and failures so far. It argues that the print media have had a more negative impact on the processes of transitional justice in BiH because of the persistent nationalistic rhetoric creating a divided image of Bosnian society.

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1941. у југословенским војним извештајима из Каира

Author(s): Milan Terzić / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 0

Having received news about the uprising, the Yugoslav military forces tried to influence the events in Yugoslavia during the second half of 1941. Information about resistance in the country encouraged everyone in exile and caused the wish to obtain as many information as possible, to send a mission to the country and to proffer aid to the resistance movement, despite the unclear situation in Yugoslavia. The news of a movement headed by Mihajlović strengthened the standing of the Yugoslav Royal government with the Allies in 1941. Mihajlović was promoted general (on December 7, 1941) by Prime-Minister Simović. A string of further military (division general, army general and the chief of staff of the Supreme Command) and political (defense minister) promotions for Mihajlović followed in 1942. However, his coming on the stage caused a conflict between soldiers and civilians in exile. Lacking an army, the civilians and younger military officers got the upper hand. In stead of the “heroes of March 27” a new hub was created, but not without distrust of the Serbs within the government. This would show later on when general Simović was replaced as prime minister and defense minister general Bogoljub Ilić and generals, the Mirković brothers, Borivoje-Bora and Dragomir were removed.

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1979-2014 Yıllarında Afganistan Siyasetinde General Dostum’un Rolü ve Bunun Afganistan Türk Toplumuna Etkileri

Author(s): Abdulbashir Azad / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 1/2019

This study examines the role of General Rashid Dostum in political life of Afghanistan between 1979-2014 and its effects on Turkish society in Afghanistan. The study investigates the subject under three main titles. Firstly, the position and importance of Dostum in political life of Afghanistan before 1991 is examined. In the second part,information on the role of Dostum in the period of civil war and the struggle against the Taliban is given. Finally, the effect of Dostum and Turks on the Constitutional Loya Jirga is analyzed. Accordingly, some suggestions are presented in order deal with the problems that Dostum and Turks of Afghanistan face nowadays.

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2008 Rusya-Gürcistan Savaşının Vekalet Savaşı Teorisi Açısından İncelenmesi

Author(s): Ahmet Nafiz Ünalmiş,Şafak Oğuz / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 61/2019

The theory of proxy warfare became intense foci of international relations after the war in Syria which has been continuing since 2011, and the crisis between Russia and Ukraine. Both conflicts have been regarded as a global competition between the West, especially the US, and Russia rather than a regional competition between. However, conflicts between Russia-Georgia in 2008, which has not been regarded as proxy warfare, also has characteristics of the proxy warfare. Therefore, this article analyzes the crisis within the theory of proxy warfare, which emerged during the Cold War as the most prevalent method of competition between the US and the former Soviet Union. The paper argues that the process that led to the warfare and the warfare itself present example of proxy warfare between the West, especially the US and NATO, and Russia for global hegemony, rather than a regional war between Russia and Georgia, and that its result will affect not just Eurasia but security world-wide.

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2014 NATO SUMMIT – FUTURE IMPLICATIONS

Author(s): Daniel-Nicolae Bănică / Language(s): English / Issue: 4/2014

A war ended and another has begun. Like a bridge between Afghanistan and Ukraine, the NATO summit 2014 held at Newport brought in spotlight the force, cohesion, unit of action and the Allies wish of defend and preserve the organization. If the NATO summit held in 2008, at Bucharest, was marked by the conflict in Georgia and Chicago summit in 2012 marked the Arabian Spring, the Newport summit was marked by the unaligned, hybrid and atypical war in Ukraine. The exponential development of military techniques and technology, as well as the introduction in the warfare equation of the newest doctrinal concepts imply a prompt and adequate reaction of the Alliance, proving that NATO remains the basic pillar of global stability. NATO Readiness Action Plan to increase the responsiveness capability shows a chess reaction on the chessboard of the present world polarity and emphasis the fact that forces assume a posture or change it for another depending on the anticipated movements of the adversary. By implementing the rapid reaction force, collective defence gains coherence, vision, and training and enhanced exercises to meet a capability able to be credible, reactive and effective. At the beginning of a century characterized by technological boom in all fields, especially in the military, the Newport referential signifies the Alliance command and control redefinition in terms of cyber space a resettlement of power balance in terms of forces.

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2017 EMERGENCE/DECLINE OF THE AD -TERRORISM PHENOMENON

Author(s): Nicoleta Annemarie MUNTEANU / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2018

The activity of ad-terrorism, taking advantage of too easily influential media, is an active generator of negative feelings among the civilian population. 2017 was introduced on the list of time intervals for the most monstrous terrorist attacks, not because of countries such as Iraq, where 267 1446 dead, 1661 wounded and 12 abducted persons were executed, due to the over-mediation of attacks on the territory of European states such as the United Kingdom, which generated about 4% of the attacks by SI in 2017, but which represented the first media news media. Practically, the media is responsible for the gap created between helping, supporting and building security between the West and the Middle East through ignorance of massacres on the Asian continent and the outlook for the Muslim population in the area.

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27 Mayıs’ın “Zoraki Diplomatları”: 14’lerin Yurtdışı Faaliyetleri

Author(s): Ferit Salim Sanlı / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 23/2018

While the May 27, 1960 coup ended the DP government, it brought new debates on the relationship between the army and politics. In this respect, the dispute between politics and civilians was immediately passed on 13 November 1960 with the view that the army continued to rule the country within the National Union Committee established after the coup d’état, resulting in the liquidation of 14 members of the committee. This group, which will be called 14’s, brought those “artificial” formations both at home and abroad, which did not come from the 14 people who were formed before May 27 or within the National Unity Committee and agreed with each other, but lived in November 13. However, this group, which cannot provide any coexistence due to artificiality, has entered into various activities while abroad, but it is inevitable that two different clubs will be formed within the group. One of the sides in two different positions, Alparslan Türkeş and Orhan Kabibay were the others. In the process, the two groups considered their activities, their ideas, and their close proximity to each other, that they were involved in two different “sects” in various aspects of the 14’s. The second half of the 60’s and the subsequent process will confirm this statement.

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38. конгрес Међународне комисије за војну историју „Технологија и ратовање“

Author(s): Dmitar Tasić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1/2012

38. конгрес Међународне комисије за војну историју „Технологија и ратовање“, Софија, Република Бугарска, 25–31. август 2012. године / Congress of International Commission for Military History “Technology and Warfare”, Sofia, Bulgaria, 25–31 August 2012

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49. међународни конгрес војних историчара „Am Rande Europas? Der Balkan – Raum und bevölkerung als Wirkungsfelder militärischer gewalt”

Author(s): Dmitar Tasić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2008

49. међународни конгрес војних историчара „Am Rande Europas? Der Balkan – Raum und bevölkerung als Wirkungsfelder militärischer gewalt”, Потсдам, 15-17. септембар 2008. године / 49th International Congress of Military History „Am Rande Europas? Der Balkan – Raum und bevölkerung als Wirkungsfelder militärischer gewalt”, Potsdam, September 15–17 2008,

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A Brief Introduction in Historical Cycles of Mass Violence in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Mirza Buljubašić / Language(s): English / Issue: 9/2018

This paper describes the history of mass violence such as wars and uprisings in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is based on a historical overview of facts established by independent historical scholars and researchers. There are no attempts contained herewith to either confirm or deny the thesis that peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina is impossible or desire to promote the idea of the space of eternal conflict. To the contrary; this paper has the aim to describe the tragic repetition of history of mass violence in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Although the Old Continent was also veiled by continuous conflicts, making Bosnia and Herzegovina no different from Europe, academic literature fails to provide an overview of mass violence in Bosnia and Herzegovina. That is where the importance of this paper lies.

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A Comparative Analysis of the Development of Security Narratives in Ukraine and Russia

Author(s): Holger Mölder / Language(s): English / Issue: 7/2017

Contemporary security narratives reflect the public understanding of security matters and expectations and the best way to translate this information to a wider audience. Arun Kundnani writes: “Narratives are the stories we tell ourselves and others about the world in which we live.” Shaul R. Shenkiv adds: “Examinations of political discourse show that it relies extensively on narrative patterns. This is partly the result of the human tendency to rely on narrative as a way of understanding the world and endowing it with meaning.”

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A CONCEPTUAL MODEL OF THE STATE SECURITY SYSTEM USING THE MODAL EXPERIMENT

Author(s): Miodrag Gordić,Rade Slavković,Miroslav Talijan / Language(s): English / Issue: 3/2013

The development of cybernetics resulted in the birth of modeling method as a general scientific method, and made unity of theory and practice become, by far, more qualitative than, until then, governing statistical method. In the field of social science, the method has appeared as the modal experiment. Using these fundamental experiences, in this work, the authors firstly explain the concept, structure and types of modeling, and then the concept and types of experiments, that is, the basic model in modal experiment. In the end, the authors elaborate a possible conceptual model of security system of the Republic of Serbia and modal experiment variables. In this model, it is possible to vary and change the quality, intensity, dynamics and quantity factors. With the help of this model, it is possible to determine the power of accomplishment and tendencies. To achieve this simulation the research prognostic technique has been applied. Conceptual model has been seen from the doctrinal, legal and organizational perspectives, having been in compliance with security movements in the world, needs and objective possibilities of the Republic of Serbia.

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A Dózsa-kép az 1840-es évek magyar irodalmában

Author(s): Márton Szilágyi / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 04/2014

The study examines the role that the peasant revolt of 1514, generally attached to the name of György Dózsa, played in the collective memory in Hungary in the 1840s. It contests the argument according to which alongside the traditional, conservative approach, which condemned the revolt, there would have emerged a revolutionary view, which already presented the events as examples to follow. It argues, rather, on the basis of several contemporary literary works, that there continued to exist in the 1840s an attitude which extended back to 1514 and was influenced by consequent waves of violence, and which, as a result, regarded the peasant revolt as a shocking example and rejected all forms of collective violence. This, however, was certainly not conservative in terms of ideology or the history of ideas, but reflected simply the norm. It was certainly not the reinterpretation of this conceptual framework which started then, and it is totally mistaken to suppose that the new tones in praise of Dózsa emerged with equal force: the examples which apparently prove this are to be assessed in a different way. What, indeed, can be regarded as a novelty is the sporadic yet total negation of the attitude regarded as the norm (as in the gesture of Sándor Petőfi , the most outstanding poet of the period), or its logical transcending (as the Christian salvational approach in the novel of József Eötvös). None of them amounts to a presentation of the Dózsa peasant war as an affirmative example, however, for both preserve a strong aversion to destructive violence.

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A EUROPEAN SECURITY ARCHITECTURE IN THE MAKING THE RUSSIAN CONUNDRUM

Author(s): Luciana Flavia Pucea / Language(s): English / Issue: 4/2010

A rapidly evolving and uncertain world, entering its interpolar stage, demands a reevaluation of traditional security relationships and strategies. The implementation of the Lisbon Treaty, NATO's quest for a new strategic concept and the Medvedev security proposal are all clear signs that such a reevaluation is underway. Nevertheless, a lot of controversial issues need to be addressed: reset, stalemate, reassurance, what are the concepts that best describe the security triangle that underlies EU–Russian, US–Russian and NATO–Russian relations? What role will the EU play in reshaping the existing security architecture? How does the new US administration’s stance on Russia and security influence the relations with its European allies, including the special relation established by the previous US administration with the CEE countries? How great is the divide inside the EU and NATO and what role does the Russian newfound assertiveness play in fostering this divide? This paper addresses these issues, drawing attention on the security concerns informing the difficult relationship of the Western leaders with the Kremlin and analyzing the ongoing debate provoked by Russian security discourses.

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