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"Bleiburg" and the British Treatment of Croatian Collaborators 1945-48

Author(s): Bernd Robionek / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 0

This article highlights ways in which British military and political personnel acted towards Croatian refugees fleeing the Communist takeover in the final stages of World War II and thereafter. Although events relating to the surrender o f various pro-German and anti-Communist forces at Bleiburg, a town in south Austria near the border with Yugoslavia, and the following quarrel over "war criminals" from Yugoslavia is a complex affair, this contribution examines sources shedding light on British perspectives on the Croatian part, notwithstanding that the developments and problems treated here also affected Serbian, Slovenian and (ethnic) German nationals. As a result of this study, the changes in the intentions of the decision makers in London as well as the principal-agent problem become transparent.

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(In)Efficient Use of International Law: Case Study of the Dayton System in BiH

Author(s): Tomáš Jungwirth / Language(s): English / Issue: 4/2013

This paper aims to analyse the existent legal and political system of Bosnia and Herzegovina from the viewpoint of effective applicability of international law. It first deals with the general issue of the relationship between international law, domestic political structures and the individual, consequently moving to the specific case study of the Dayton system. The question arises whether such an excessive intervention was at all capable of establishing a stable institutional framework and of uprooting the enmities between the sides to the conflict. Certain criteria for the effective application of international law are drafted, in light of which the presented data are evaluated. A critical conclusion follows, defining the key setbacks of the Dayton system and hinting to possible alternative approaches.

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(Не)реална очекивања југословенско-совјетски војни преговори 1948.

Author(s): Aleksandar Životic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2014

Yugoslav-Soviet military negotiations were initiated in an already tensed relations related to Yugoslav attitude towards the question of Balkan federation, Greek civil war and Yugoslav presence in Albania. Ambitious plans of economical and military development were contrary to country's actual possibilites as well with potential Soviet assistance. Unreallistic and overambitious Yugoslav plans for strenghtening of military industry, creation of strong, numerous and up to date equiped army, as well navy capable to react not only to defend its own coast encountered the Soviet restraint. In several occasions Soviets demonstrated willingnes to help Yugoslavs within the boundaries of their own reallistic possibilities. Disagreements between the two concepts of development, as well Yugoslav insisting on realization of their own plans resulted in Soviet denial of further assistance. Failure in military negotiations coincided with the beggining of Yugoslav-Soviet conflict which finaly led to complete interruption of military cooperation.

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„Konflikt začal v Sarajevu a zde i skončí“ historický kontext tzv. reintegrace hlavního města po válce v Bosně a Hercegovině v roce 1996

Author(s): Ondrej Žíla / Language(s): Czech / Issue: 3/2018

The study aims to analyse the controversial and so far, not sufficiently explored circumstances which preceded the re-integration of Sarajevo after the end of the Bosnian conflict at the beginning of 1996 and its specific consequences (especially the flight of Bosnian Serbs from Sarajevo). The facts on the ground that caused the majority of Serbs to leave their homes have still not been thoroughly analysed and in many cases remain unclear. Empirical evidence has been gathered from extensive field research based upon the qualitative interviewing project (in 2016 and 2017) and written texts of the fragmented media scene in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The main focus of the paper is to analyse the internal and external causes that initiated and influenced the flight of Serbs from Sarajevo.

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15 Years of Walking but How Many Steps? Transitional Justice and the Role of the Print Media in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Stela Nenova / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2010

Despite 15 years of major domestic and international peacekeeping and stabilization efforts, there are still major obstacles to state building in BiH. One of the clear signs of the internal divisions and tensions has been the recent alarming trend of efforts to curtail the development of free and independent media in the country to support the process of reconciliation with the past and the growth of a strong civil society. What has been the role of the media in BiH in the process of transitional justice? Have the print media encouraged a constructive social dialogue about the past or they have contributed to further divisions among BiH citizens? This paper looks at the role of print media in the process of transitional justice in BiH. The study investigates the role of the media as a unifying or dividing factor in the process of transition in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper then looks more in depth into the case of BiH and the print media‘s role for transitional justice‘s successes and failures so far. It argues that the print media have had a more negative impact on the processes of transitional justice in BiH because of the persistent nationalistic rhetoric creating a divided image of Bosnian society.

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1941. у југословенским војним извештајима из Каира

Author(s): Milan Terzic / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 0

Having received news about the uprising, the Yugoslav military forces tried to influence the events in Yugoslavia during the second half of 1941. Information about resistance in the country encouraged everyone in exile and caused the wish to obtain as many information as possible, to send a mission to the country and to proffer aid to the resistance movement, despite the unclear situation in Yugoslavia. The news of a movement headed by Mihajlović strengthened the standing of the Yugoslav Royal government with the Allies in 1941. Mihajlović was promoted general (on December 7, 1941) by Prime-Minister Simović. A string of further military (division general, army general and the chief of staff of the Supreme Command) and political (defense minister) promotions for Mihajlović followed in 1942. However, his coming on the stage caused a conflict between soldiers and civilians in exile. Lacking an army, the civilians and younger military officers got the upper hand. In stead of the “heroes of March 27” a new hub was created, but not without distrust of the Serbs within the government. This would show later on when general Simović was replaced as prime minister and defense minister general Bogoljub Ilić and generals, the Mirković brothers, Borivoje-Bora and Dragomir were removed.

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1979-2014 Yıllarında Afganistan Siyasetinde General Dostum’un Rolü ve Bunun Afganistan Türk Toplumuna Etkileri

Author(s): Abdulbashir Azad / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 1/2019

This study examines the role of General Rashid Dostum in political life of Afghanistan between 1979-2014 and its effects on Turkish society in Afghanistan. The study investigates the subject under three main titles. Firstly, the position and importance of Dostum in political life of Afghanistan before 1991 is examined. In the second part,information on the role of Dostum in the period of civil war and the struggle against the Taliban is given. Finally, the effect of Dostum and Turks on the Constitutional Loya Jirga is analyzed. Accordingly, some suggestions are presented in order deal with the problems that Dostum and Turks of Afghanistan face nowadays.

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2017 EMERGENCE/DECLINE OF THE AD -TERRORISM PHENOMENON

Author(s): Nicoleta Annemarie MUNTEANU / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2018

The activity of ad-terrorism, taking advantage of too easily influential media, is an active generator of negative feelings among the civilian population. 2017 was introduced on the list of time intervals for the most monstrous terrorist attacks, not because of countries such as Iraq, where 267 1446 dead, 1661 wounded and 12 abducted persons were executed, due to the over-mediation of attacks on the territory of European states such as the United Kingdom, which generated about 4% of the attacks by SI in 2017, but which represented the first media news media. Practically, the media is responsible for the gap created between helping, supporting and building security between the West and the Middle East through ignorance of massacres on the Asian continent and the outlook for the Muslim population in the area.

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27 Mayıs’ın “Zoraki Diplomatları”: 14’lerin Yurtdışı Faaliyetleri

Author(s): Ferit Salim Sanli / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 23/2018

While the May 27, 1960 coup ended the DP government, it brought new debates on the relationship between the army and politics. In this respect, the dispute between politics and civilians was immediately passed on 13 November 1960 with the view that the army continued to rule the country within the National Union Committee established after the coup d’état, resulting in the liquidation of 14 members of the committee. This group, which will be called 14’s, brought those “artificial” formations both at home and abroad, which did not come from the 14 people who were formed before May 27 or within the National Unity Committee and agreed with each other, but lived in November 13. However, this group, which cannot provide any coexistence due to artificiality, has entered into various activities while abroad, but it is inevitable that two different clubs will be formed within the group. One of the sides in two different positions, Alparslan Türkeş and Orhan Kabibay were the others. In the process, the two groups considered their activities, their ideas, and their close proximity to each other, that they were involved in two different “sects” in various aspects of the 14’s. The second half of the 60’s and the subsequent process will confirm this statement.

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38. конгрес Међународне комисије за војну историју „Технологија и ратовање“

Author(s): Dmitar Tasic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1/2012

38. конгрес Међународне комисије за војну историју „Технологија и ратовање“, Софија, Република Бугарска, 25–31. август 2012. године / Congress of International Commission for Military History “Technology and Warfare”, Sofia, Bulgaria, 25–31 August 2012

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49. међународни конгрес војних историчара „Am Rande Europas? Der Balkan – Raum und bevölkerung als Wirkungsfelder militärischer gewalt”

Author(s): Dmitar Tasic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2008

49. међународни конгрес војних историчара „Am Rande Europas? Der Balkan – Raum und bevölkerung als Wirkungsfelder militärischer gewalt”, Потсдам, 15-17. септембар 2008. године / 49th International Congress of Military History „Am Rande Europas? Der Balkan – Raum und bevölkerung als Wirkungsfelder militärischer gewalt”, Potsdam, September 15–17 2008,

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A Brief Introduction in Historical Cycles of Mass Violence in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Mirza Buljubašic / Language(s): English / Issue: 9/2018

This paper describes the history of mass violence such as wars and uprisings in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is based on a historical overview of facts established by independent historical scholars and researchers. There are no attempts contained herewith to either confirm or deny the thesis that peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina is impossible or desire to promote the idea of the space of eternal conflict. To the contrary; this paper has the aim to describe the tragic repetition of history of mass violence in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Although the Old Continent was also veiled by continuous conflicts, making Bosnia and Herzegovina no different from Europe, academic literature fails to provide an overview of mass violence in Bosnia and Herzegovina. That is where the importance of this paper lies.

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A Dózsa-kép az 1840-es évek magyar irodalmában

Author(s): Márton Szilágyi / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 04/2014

The study examines the role that the peasant revolt of 1514, generally attached to the name of György Dózsa, played in the collective memory in Hungary in the 1840s. It contests the argument according to which alongside the traditional, conservative approach, which condemned the revolt, there would have emerged a revolutionary view, which already presented the events as examples to follow. It argues, rather, on the basis of several contemporary literary works, that there continued to exist in the 1840s an attitude which extended back to 1514 and was influenced by consequent waves of violence, and which, as a result, regarded the peasant revolt as a shocking example and rejected all forms of collective violence. This, however, was certainly not conservative in terms of ideology or the history of ideas, but reflected simply the norm. It was certainly not the reinterpretation of this conceptual framework which started then, and it is totally mistaken to suppose that the new tones in praise of Dózsa emerged with equal force: the examples which apparently prove this are to be assessed in a different way. What, indeed, can be regarded as a novelty is the sporadic yet total negation of the attitude regarded as the norm (as in the gesture of Sándor Petőfi , the most outstanding poet of the period), or its logical transcending (as the Christian salvational approach in the novel of József Eötvös). None of them amounts to a presentation of the Dózsa peasant war as an affirmative example, however, for both preserve a strong aversion to destructive violence.

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A Look into the Future: Cyber-aggression as the Problem of Interaction in Space Exploration

Author(s): Oleksandra Kachmar,Dmytro Dzvinchuk / Language(s): English / Issue: 21/2018

In the article, the authors broadened on the definition and concept of cyber-aggression. The authors have carried out their inquiry on the cyber-aggression in terms of the possibility of broadening of human potential by using the high-tech devices. Such inquiry was built upon the “The theory of war and peace” by Oleg Bazaluk. The authors came to the conclusion that cyber-aggression appears to be a typical form of struggle for existence, which is inherent in man, the state and civilization. Cyber-aggression, considered as a “natural way of human intelligent activity broadening by using the high-tech devices” provides the following: a) the transformation of civilization into a planetary force; b) exploration of cislunar and deep outer space; c) Universe-wide competition. The authors proposed a behavior model, specially developed for the contacts with extraterrestrial civilizations, which stipulates the transparency of intentions and proves: a) that terrestrial civilization’s cyber-aggression is a method of space exploration, rather than a desire for war and violence; b) that the Earthly civilization’s technologies are determined by its cultural history and manifest peace and benevolence.

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A MODEL OF PEACEFUL REINTEGRATION AND THE POSSIBILITY TO LIVE TOGETHER

Author(s): Antun Šundalic / Language(s): English / Issue: 28+29/1997

When differences in the language, religion, tradition and culture in general grow into an obstacle to the communication between nations, the possibility of living together becomes doubtful. The burden of historic heritage in the Croato-Serbian relationship has become intolerable due to Serbian rejection to recognise Croatian independence. Through violence, plunder, banishment and devastation of the Croatian villages and towns, the Serbs have declared against co-existence with the Croats. Can the Plan of Peaceful Reintegration convince the expelled Croats and other non-Serbs that living together is possible? The Plan offered administrative solutions that neglect essential characteristics of the area (historical prerogatives, migrations, wars, cultural differences). The displaced persons do not see the Plan as a humane, material and moral satisfaction, but rather as additional protection for the Serbs.

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A NUCLEAR TEST FOR DIPLOMACY: IRAN AND THE (NEW) EU-US SANCTIONS DEBATE

Author(s): Ioana Constantin-Bercean / Language(s): English / Issue: 28/2018

Europe and Iran have had important political, cultural and commercial relations that date back several centuries, but these relations have been steadily strained since 2002 when the uncertainty with regard to Iran’s nuclear program became an issue of international concern. In the attempt to demonstrate its role as an important foreign policy actor capable of taking the lead in resolving a global crisis, through the leadership of France, United Kingdom and Germany (EU3) the European Union spearheaded efforts to obtain a solution to the deadlock between Tehran and the international community over Iran’s nuclear program. Nowadays, after the nuclear agreement with Iran was sealed, the EU can move beyond its exclusive nuclear focus with Iran, and shift to a relationship based on engagement, not containment. However, this goal encounters an unforeseen obstacle: the new American Administration, who wants to shift the US policy on Iran toward aggressive containment and away from the diplomatic openings created by the precedent one. Therefore, it looks that the divide between Europe and the US is set to deepen over Iran, as long as the Trump Administration’s heated rhetoric and actions will continue. The EU made it clear, through its High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy statements that it will continue to support the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. Furthermore, the European leaders understood that a constructive relationship between Iran and the EU is essential for the latter, and it could help to achieve its common security and defense objectives while safeguarding its commercial and energy interests. This article aims to present the relation between Europe Union and Iran post-JCPOA and the European agenda on Iran and to explain how and whether the nuclear agreement could become the reason of a European-American cleavage.

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A PROPOSAL FOCUSED ON A METHOD FOR THE CALCULATION OF THE CONVERGENCE OF THE TWO BANKS OF THE DNIESTR

Author(s): Eugen Strautiu / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2018

Following the armed conflict in 1992, the Moldovan society, on the left bank of the Dniester broke, from a political and administrative point of view, proclaiming itself a separate state under the name "The Moldovan Dniester Republic" – which is unrecognized until today at an international level.The negotiation process, started in 1992, did not produce significant convergence effects - although issues related to the everyday life of the population are resolved today at a faster pace than ever before.The present article aims at investigating, principally and (as much as possible) quantitatively, to what extent the political divergence has evolved over two decades and a half, and to what extent it finds itself in economic, military and civil society divergences. In conclusion, we will try to evaluate the chances of a convergence process between the two banks of the Dniester in the near future.

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About Kosovo and Serbian guilt

Author(s): Dejan Ilic,Drinka Gojkovic,Nenad Dimitrijevic,Gojko Božovic,Aleksandra Pavlovic / Language(s): English / Issue: 55.1/1999

It doesn't take too much wisdom to come to the conclusion that the Serb regime of the last ten years hasn't done a thing to solve the issue of Kosovo. On the contrary, there are a lot of examples showing that the Serb regime has consistently neglected or conscientiously destroyed everything that Kosovo actually or symbolically represented in Serbian history and culture and it's clear that the solution of the Kosovo issue itself was not important to the regime either. […]

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ACCESS TO INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE IN KOSOVO – LESSONS LEARNT

Author(s): Gamurari Loredana / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2018

Since 1999, the accountability for human rights violations committed in Kosovo during and after the war was addressed by ICTY, UNMIK and EULEX. However, a whole set of crimes committed in the aftermath of the war were not properly addressed. The research aims to understand whether international judicial mechanisms intervening in Kosovo until today, successfully planted the seeds for the blooming of post-conflict justice. The paper adopts a qualitative approach, including analyses of cases, reports and interviews. The findings show that both international and local actors in many cases could not ensure justice for war crimes committed in the country, which brought to the conceiving of the Specialist Chambers, an extraterritorial court with no local personnel, but under Kosovo national legislation. The paper focuses on previous experiences to understand if the lessons have been learnt, showing the challenges that the new Specialist Chambers will have to overcome to bring justice.

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