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Guidelines for an EU Initiative
This study advocates that the EU support a comprehensive, multi-stakeholder initiative to achieve synergy from regional cooperation in the wider Black Sea area. The background for this initiative is first provided through an overview of the challenges, recent developments and EU interests in this region. Different models of regionalism have been promoted by the EU in the European periphery, and these are schematised with a focus on their respective advantages and disadvantages. Finally guidelines for an EU initiative are set out under: 1) objectives and sector-specific actions, 2) its scope in terms of variable geographic geometries of desirable cooperation in the region and 3) a Framework of institutional and financial arrangements to support the process. An overarching mechanism is required to give political cohesion, ownership, visibility and strategic purpose to the process, and this could well be based on an annual, high-level meeting, drawing on the model of the Black Sea Forum Summit in Bucharest on 5 June 2006.
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The aim of this paper is to identify the incentives of the institutional trust on the regional levels of two neighboring areas along the Danube. The approach is a comparative one; two border zones from northern Bulgaria and southern Romania, having a certain similarity as regards historical past and social organization, are juxtaposed. The research took place both at the level of these circumscribed geographical areas and in particular localities. The hypothesis was that the networks of social trust have a strong infl uence upon the civic and political commitments. By the term ‘commitment’ I mean the social reliability for roles and position takings in the frame of the local institutions (mayoralty, political parties, civic and cultural associations).
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The chapter presents several ecological and geographical considerations on and geospatial analyses of the eco-energy potential of Romania.
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Inspired by various passions and interests, these studies of Bessarabia often fall short of building public opinion. We will therefore endeavor to shed light on this question, by supporting the following pages with authentic dates and documents, to the exclusion of any prevention and any special interest. (Author's Introduction)
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Purpose: The aim of this study is to indicate the role of the state in the pursuit of sustainable development of Poland. Design/methodology/approach: The authors assume that historical factors underlie the differentiated development of Polish regions. A critical review of the literature on historical determinants of development of Polish regions was conducted. International legal conditions calling on Poland to take action to reduce adverse climate change are presented. The amount of state budget expenditure on tasks related to sustainable development of the country is discussed. Secondary data from the reports of the Council of Ministers were used. Findings: Differences in the level of the development of Polish regions are historically determined. Compared to other countries, the degree of Poland’s achievement of sustainable development goals is satisfactory, as it ranks 23rd in the world ranking (out of 193 possible places). Budget expenditures on tasks contributing to the achievement of sustainable development goals are relatively small. Originality and value: It is pointed out that in the past, the amount of spending on state development financing has varied. Historical conditions continue to affect the uneven development of individual regions. The authors suggest that the unsatisfactory level of the development of some regions is due not so much to the lack of access to funding sources, but to the mentality of people living in these areas.
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Nad beskrajnim prostorima naše Domovine, uzduž i popreko naše ogromne Matuške Rusije, svečanim medenim zvonom zvoni zvono za uzbunu.
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Just as last year, they did not dare to call the meeting of the Eastern Partnership heads of states a summit. The main political event was yet again postponed – until 2021. No common statements and declarations have followed since the June online conferences. Does this mean that the European Union and partner states cannot agree on a future framework for cooperation? Or is the interest in the policy fading from both sides? Hennady Maksak searched for answers. In the meantime, neither the quarantine nor the summer season slowed down the political life in the region. Passions run high around the upcoming elections in Belarus and Moldova. And in Georgia, the authorities and the opposition finally agreed on the rules of the parliamentary election. The Armenian anti-corruption campaign got to the oligarch and opposition member of the parliament. Azerbaijan is again dissatisfied with the brutality of the police, this time both domestic and Russian. And in Ukraine, the presidential party in parliament failed to support the action plan of its own government. Against this backdrop, the countries of the region continue to combat the coronavirus pandemic and its economic consequences. The highlights of the Eastern Partnership life in June are in our traditional overviews of the month. //// CONTENT: Analytica: June of High Level and Low Content // Azerbaijan Condemns Police Actions, both Russian and Domestic. // Armenia’s Political Drama // Belarus: Wave of Repression at the Start of the Election Campaign // Georgia: New System Elections to Come // Year 1 or Year 0 for Moldovan Politics? // Ukraine: Economic Recession, Threats to Democracy and Dynamic Growth in Relations with Neighbors // Eastern Partnership Civil Society Forum News
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During the first year at the office, President of Ukraine Vladimir Zelenskyy hardly managed to set, or at least explain his team’s foreign policy priorities. However, the Eastern Partnership did not go unnoticed on his agenda in multiple dimensions: as an instrument of cooperation with the European Union, as a region as a whole, and at the level of bilateral contacts with partner countries. Which of these tracks was more important and who did Ukraine manage to work with more efficiently while ignoring other capitals so far? The results of the first year of President Zelenskyy for the Eastern Partnership are analyzed by Hanna Shelest. Meanwhile, in May, election campaigns launched in three countries of the region. In Belarus it started with the crackdown on the opposition, fines and arrests. In Moldova President Dodon started campaigning, in spite of all anti-epidemic measures. In the meantime, in Georgia it is still not clear which law will be applied to the parliamentary elections in October as the authorities and the opposition are still failing to find compromise. Last month, Armenia was one of the first to lift quarantine restrictions and immediately faced a new wave of incidence of COVID-19. The prime minister and his entire family tested positively for coronavirus. In May, Azerbaijan faced a wave of arrests, with both the opposition and government officials behind bars. And Ukraine managed to get into two high-profile international scandals and new difficulties in relations with its partners, the United States and Georgia. All these and other major developments of the month in the countries of the Eastern Partnership are analyzed in our traditional reviews. /// CONTENT: Analytics: Neighbors, Partners, Problems - First year of Zelenskyy’s Policy in the EaP Region // Azerbaijan: Continued Arrests of Opposition and Executives // Armenia Staggers & Stumbles // Belarus: Street Parade and Elections in Time of Epidemic // Georgia: Searching for a Way Out of the Deadlock // The Moldovan Political Chess Game Started // Ukraine: Diplomatic Actions, Financial Expectations and the President’s May Theses
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Is the resignation of the old government enough to talk about the victory of a revolution? Unfortunately, the examples of Ukraine and Georgia indicate the opposite. Now Armenia also faces a major challenge: can the new leadership resist the temptations of the monopoly of power and really reform the state? Both the government and the parliament in Yerevan are yet again under the control of one political force, which, moreover, has no real management experience. Do the new leaders have enough will and wisdom to deal with the country’s serious internal problems and maintain a foreign policy balance? Richard Giragosian analyzes the outlook for Armenia. Meanwhile, Ukraine is slowly but surely moving along the path of reforms, including fulfilling the obligations under the document “20 Eastern Partnership Deliverables Until 2020”. Natalia Kupriy examined how things are going in the public administration reform, the key one for the country. In Georgia, the judicial reform is endangered. Its implementation is the most difficult for the state, and its current steps caused a scandal and a split in the ruling party. Reforms in Belarus are aimed at further mobilizing the state apparatus and strengthening control. In the meantime, the economy is under threat of stagnation without Russian support. The peace process to resolve the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh intensified unexpectedly between Azerbaijan and Armenia. However, real results are not yet visible and the motives of the parties are vague. Moldova and Ukraine are completely absorbed by the electoral process, which has already entered the home stretch. The most important developments of January in the Eastern Partnership are analyzed in our reviews by experts from each of the countries in the region. //// CONTENT: A “not so new” Armenian government // Azerbaijan: Diplomatic optimism over Karabakh // Belarus: Between independence and economic benefits // Georgia: Naked truth under the cover of justice // Moldova: Aleas jacta est! // Ukraine’s presidential election begins // Analytica: Total victory of revolution in Armenia or another serious challenge? // Public administration reform in Ukraine: A review of accomplishments
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The new 2019 should be a year of change, both in the partner states and in the region as a whole. A series of elections can completely change the political reality. And the 10th anniversary of the Eastern Partnership is an occasion not only for celebrating , but also for defining new goals. Civil society should actively join the search for these new horizons for the Eastern Partnership beyond 2020. What new tools for participation in decision-making within? the Eastern Partnership Civil Society Forum received, what changed in the Forum itself and what other accents were put during the unusual it its form and content annual Assembly, analyzed Gennady Maksak. What shifts should be expected in the region after the change of power in Georgia and Armenia? What will the elections bring in Moldova, Ukraine and Belarus, where the campaigns are in full swing? The results of year 2018 are summarized in our traditional reviews of events in each of the six par tner countries. In the meantime, the joint staff working document “20 EaP deliverables until 2020” remains the main roadmap in relations with European partners. And further ambitions will largely depend on the implementation of this “homework assignment”. How Ukraine fulfills the provisions of the document regarding gender equality is studied by Natalia Chermoshentseva. //// CONTENT: Armenia’s new political reality // Investors leave Azerbaijan? // Belarus: The Kremlin’s ultimatum // Georgia: Opposition declares a boycott // Moldova: Elections are coming // Ukraine: In the hope of new victories? // Analytica: Are they equal? How Ukraine deals with gender equality issues // The Assembly of Changes of the Eastern Partnership Civil Society Forum
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U ponedeljak, 2. avgusta, u gostovanju na RTS, Predrag Kon izjavio je da nadležne institucije prate varijante koronavirusa prisutne u Srbiji i kako je ovde „britanski soj (alfa) još uvek dominantan“ nasuprot novijem i zaraznijem delta soju, čije je prisustvo zvanično potvrđeno još 1. jula. Dodao je da je „logično“ da će delta soj rasti u Srbiji, s obzirom na njegovo sve veće prisustvo u zemljama u regionu.
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This presentation provides evidence of the influential role of urban planning in directing human activity, which, if not adequately studied, may lead to instability in identity and social integration, and the role of urban planning in transforming cohesive groups into dispersed social groups, distinguished by class, creed, or wealth, and their direct role in fueling hatred futurism is a concrete prelude to conflict. Also, it presents some international examples applied in this field.
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The concept of smart growth appeared in the mid-1990s in the United States of America. The notion of a smart city emerged later, referring to how a city can favor the use of information technology. In Romania, the number of smart growth initiatives has continuously increased in recent years. Currently, there are such projects in both large and small cities. This research aims to analyze the implementation stage of smart growth initiatives in three Danube cities: Galati, Brăila and Tulcea.
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The paper explores the link between the architecture and the natural landscape of thermal baths, which were built in Hungary (Budapest) and Romania (Băile Herculane) during the early 20th century. Through a combination of various methods of inquiry, such as field trips and literature documentation, this research was able to develop a deeper understanding of the subject. The actual conditions of built heritage differs in the two countries, but are quite similar in the hazards it is prone to. With the aim of raising the public awareness of the problems facing the natural and urban landscape, this paper presents a brief description of the investigation of the thermal baths changes over time.
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The Russia-Ukraine conflict has considerably slowed the construction sector's recovery from the global COVID-19 lockdown. Because of rising debt levels, the short-term picture is uncertain. Both public and private sector initiatives will face challenges, with government funds devoted to efforts to address acute socioeconomic crises, and high building material prices rendering private sector projects unviable. Global climate change and global warming are problems that affect everyone, every country, and everything alive. It is a challenge felt in every sector, from agriculture to water supply and sustainable land management, from unemployment to economic stability, from democracy to security, and especially in the health sectorThe current decade has been defined by the fight against inequality, epidemics, and climate change. Technological advancements, such as digitalization and automation, will continue to have an impact on all parts of our life.
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1. LECȚIA DE ISTORIE (I). Despre necesitatea altui Centru 2. IL UTOPIILE IMPERIALE ca vocație a Periferiei, între Periferie și Margine. 3. III. CUTIA PANDOREI (I). Temele tabu ale unei lumi blestemate 4. IV. CUTIA PANDOREI (II). Pentru o istorie alternativă a literaturilor Europei Centrale
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From the emergence of the concept of sustainable development to the present day, this model of development has been a global policy with economic, social and environmental implications, of major importance for our common good. Achieving sustainable development goals requires a holistic, long-term approach. The realization of the sustainable development vision and the monitoring of progress are based on indicators of achievement that need to be linked to specific actions over a time horizon. Identifying the right indicators and interpreting them is crucial. This paper provides an overview of the challenge of measuring indicators for monitoring progress on sustainable development and is a starting point for future in-depth analysis of the indicators associated with the 17 SDGs and the criteria for their selection.
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The late medieval Pannonian territory along the borders of the Austrian lands as well as the Moravian and the Hungarian regions embraced a number of towns with different internal power and property structures. This paper investigates on a macro-level the closely interwoven dynamics between the authorities in urban spaces and their changing impact on property systems through examining the thirteenth- and seventeenth–century transformation of ownership relations in six neighbouring Austrian (Wiener Neustadt and Linz), Moravian (Olomouc and Jihlava) and Hungarian (Trnava and Sopron) towns. According to general master narratives, the (quasi-)independent towns in this region gradually lost their dominantly civic character and became – both in legal and spatial sense – realms of secular and ecclesiastical landlords. Challenging these concepts, this macro-analysis intends to show the much more complex and diverse phenomena produced by the conflicts of civic communities, territorial (secular and/or ecclesiastical) landlords and the nobility. Through a comparative spatial approach the presentation of ownership changes is to highlight the interplay between structures of power and property and to provide a better understanding of urban continuity and change in pre-modern western Pannonia.
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