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Ured visokog predstavnika međunarodne zajednice u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Enis Omerović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Ured visokoga predstavnika međunarodne zajednice i Specijalnog predstavnika Europske unije u Bosni i Hercegovini (u tekstu: visoki predstavnik, Ured visokog predstavnika) je ad hoc međunarodna institucija/tijelo/organ predviđena općim okvirnim sporazumom za mir u Bosni i Hercegovini (u tekstu: dejtonskim mirovnim sporazumom, Sporazumom) 1995, a formalnopravno potvrđena rezolucijom Vijeća sigurnosti Ujedinjenih nacija. Radi se o vrlo specifičnoj instituciji koja ima status diplomatske misije međunarodne zajednice država, koja na osnovu ovlasti i odluka Upravnog odbora Vijeća za implementaciju mira, međunarodnoga tijela koje upravlja mirovnim procesom u Bosni i Hercegovini, predstavlja konačni autoritet u tumačenju i provedbi Sporazuma. Rad deskriptivno prikazuje osnivanje, status, ovlasti, rad i djelovanje ove institucije u Bosni i Hercegovini u svjetlu tranzicijskog procesa kada će, u konačnici, iza specijalnog predstavnika stajati Europska unija sa svojim organima, a ne, još uvijek nejasno definirana i označavana, međunarodna zajednica država.

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DIFFERENT CONFESSIONS, SAME SINS? VÁCLAV HAVEL AND VÁCLAV KLAUS AS CZECH PRESIDENTS

Author(s): Lubomír Kopeček,Josef Mlejnek / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The first direct elections for Czech president in January 2013 were accompanied by a major wave of public interest, as well as some remarkable moments. One of them was a debate that unfolded after the victory of the left-wing candidate Miloš Zeman, over whether the president is able to remove the premier of an unpopular center right government. The idea was encouraged by one of the winner’s main campaign slogans: “Stop this Government!” The Czech constitutionsays that the president “names and removes the premier and other members of the government” (Article 62).

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Demokracie, konstitucionalismus a lidská práva

Author(s): Jiří Baroš / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Benjamin Constant kdysi ve slavné přednášce rozlišil dva druhy svobod: na jedné straně stojí svoboda starých spočívající „v kolektivním, a přitom přímém výkonu určitých částí suverénní moci, ve veřejném projednávání války a míru, v uzavírání spojeneckých smluv s cizinci, v hlasování o zákonech, ve vyhlašování rozsudků, ve zkoumání činnosti úředníků, v odhalování jejich činnosti před celým lidem, v možnosti jejich obžaloby, odsouzení či zproštění viny“ [Constant 2006: 79 an.]. Na druhé straně je pak svoboda moderních, jejíž podstatou je poklidné užívání individuální nezávislosti. V antice byl jedinec téměř vždy suverénem ve veřejných záležitostech, zároveň byl však otrokem v soukromých vztazích. Zatímco pro staré bylo soukromé jednání podřízeno přísnému dohledu, prvotní potřebou moderních národů je nezávislost jednotlivce, a proto po nich nelze žádat, aby tuto nezávislost obětovaly politické svobodě [Constant 2006: 90].

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Considerații privind unele efecte generate de divergențele jurisprudențiale apărute între Curtea Constituțională și Înalta Curte de Casație și Justiție din perspectiva comunicării dreptului.

Author(s): Claudiu Ramon Butculescu,Cosmin Crețu / Language(s): Romanian Publication Year: 0

This paper tries to briefly address some of the legal effects deriving from communication of law generated by the jurisprudence of the High Court of Cassation and Justice of Romania and the Constitutional Court of Romania. During the recent years, certain legal interpretation divergencies were notices between the jurisprudence of the Courts. In both civil and penal matters brought before these Courts, their jurisprudence comprised sometimes contradicting solutions in similar cases. In addition to the introductory aspects that will be presented in this paper, regarding the communication of law and the role of jurisprudence as a possible source of law, we will also describe some concrete situations dealing with the divergence of opinion from judicial practice of the above mentioned Courts

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Prawne problemy suplementów diety, ich kontroli i wprowadzania do obrotu

Author(s): Przemysław Chmielowski / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

Dietary supplements are becoming increasingly popular and often enjoy unlimited consumer confidence. On the other hand, the production and trade of these products creates a rapidly developing market worth billions of PLN. In my paper, starting from the origins of legal regulations, through the definition of dietary supplements. I present current problems in this field. I draw attention, in particular, to the most important aspects, such as labelling, advertising, the manner in which the dietary supplements are introduced to the market, and the composition of these supplements and its control. Each of these areas raises doubts and controversies, and loopholes in legal regulations create scope for numerous abuses that may threaten consumers. An important element of the paper is the analysis of the results of the audit carried out by the Supreme Chamber of Control and the solutions proposed by it.

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POLITIČKE ATRIBUCIJE I STRUKTURA NARODNE REPUBLIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE

Author(s): Elvis Fejzić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

The sovereign and autonomous political position of the People’s Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Yugoslav People’s Federation - derived from its constitutional right to self-determination, association and secession - enabled it to develop prospective political development and preserve its political status in future constitutional creations in the socialist Yugoslav state. Moreover, such political status enabled the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina to seek and achieve an independent political existence - which was realized in the first half of 1992 - which subsequently received international recognition from all relevant political actors. Bosnia and Herzegovina continues to develop as a transition and post-socialist state, that is still undergoing democratic consolidation and economic transition. Although there is no consensus in Bosnia and Herzegovina on its development and political commitments in the area of foreign policy, it is evident that it should follow the already paved path of Euro-Atlantic integration, because only in this way can it ensure a pacifist perspective and secure existence for its citizens. Despite the fact that there are still disintegrating political currents, which permanently challenge and deny the historical continuity and political perspective of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, it should be noted that its long existence surpasses and triumphs over the subjective narratives and expansionist arguments of its deniers.

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OBRAZOVANJE PRVE NARODNE VLADE NA TREĆEM ZASJEDANJU ZAVNOBIH-A PREDSTAVLJA DOVRŠETAK KONSTITUCIJE DRŽAVNE VLASTI FEDERALNE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE

Author(s): Mirko Pejanović / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

Formation of democratic government in Bosnia and Herzegovina was developing together with formation and constitution of democratic Federal Yugoslavia. In the first half of 1945, the whole Bosnia and Herzegovina was liberated together with its capital Sarajevo on April the 6th in 1945. This created a military and political conditions for holding the Third assemblage of ZAVNOBiH on April 26, 27 and 28, 1945. Between the period of the Second assemblage of ZAVNOBiH in July 1944 in Sanski Most and the Third assemblage, National liberation movement achieved new successes in the development of new democratic people’s government. National liberation committees have firmed their position and role in the entire Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to decisions of ZAVNOBiH Presidency, various departments were formed such are state department for industry, public transport, education, social issues and other areas. These departments will become cores of ministries that will be formed in the frame of the First National Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This is how the formation of executive and administrative authority in Federal Bosnia and Herzegovina. General activities within the formation of democratic people’s government in Federal Bosnia and Herzegovina has brought the possibility to form the first National (People’s) Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In full unity and enthusiasm within achievements of National liberation war, representatives of the Third assemblage of ZAVNOBiH ojn the first day have reached decision on transformation of ZAVNOBiH to the National (People’s) Assembly as the highest body of people’s representation and as the highest body of legislative government. On the second day, National (People’s) Assembly brought a Law on people’s Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to this Law, National (People’s) Government is supreme, executive and command body of state government of Federal Bosnia and Herzegovina. This act has completed the formation of democratic people’s government in people’s Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina. With formation of People’s Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina, activities of all 12 ministries are combined in order to execute politics that are concluded by ZAVNOBiH and for the interest of people who fought for their freedom.

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O NEKIM SEGMENTIMA AKTUALNOSTI DRŽAVNO-PRAVNE MISLI AKADEMIKA HAMDIJE ČEMERLIĆA

Author(s): Zdravko Lučić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

Being one of the participants in the National Liberation Struggle and the socialist revolution and as one of the most influential members of the intellectual strata, Hamdija Ćemerlić made substiantial conitbutions to these historical processes, which were of crucial importance in the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The article analyzes the content of Ćemerlić’s presentation given at the Third ZAVNOBiH session while at the same time relating it to Ćemerlić’s political activities that predated this important session. The author examines the role of the socialist revolution and its institutionalization in regard to the state-making process of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Special attention is given to the criteria that played a decisive role in the consolidation process of Bosnia and Herzegovina as one of the federal units of a complex federal state body. Moreover, it discusses the determining social factors in this consolidation process with an emphasis on the international military and political aspect and the issue of political legitimate representation. The author extrapolates some important segments of Ćemerlić’s complex philosophical thoughts on law and state and stresses their actuality.

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TREĆE ZASJEDANJE ZAVNOBIH-a I PRVI USTAV NARODNE REPUBLIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE – NADOGRADNJA BOSANSKOHERCEGOVAČKE DRŽAVNOSTI

Author(s): Denis Bećirović / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

At the First and Second Session of ZAVNOBiH, the representatives of the peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina laid the foundations of the modern statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the sessions of ZAVNOBiH, the peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina jointly created their federal unit, which became part of the federal Yugoslavia with the political will of its delegates at the Second Session of AVNOJ. The Third Session of ZAVNOBiH in Sarajevo marked the end of the state-building process in Bosnia and Herzegovina within the second Yugoslav state. ZAVNOBiH was transformed into the National Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina in accordance with legislative acts adopted at the session, while the Presidency of ZAVNOBiH turned into the Presidency of the National Assembly. Bosnia and Herzegovina also received its first post-war government. Legislation adopted at the Third Session of ZAVNOBiH, i.e. the National Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina, created the independent state organisation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was equally positioned with other federal units in the Yugoslav state. An additional enhancement to the statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina was made by the adoption of the first Constitution of the People’s Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Thus, immediately after the end of the Second World War, Bosnia and Herzegovina defined its internal structure by the highest legal act, in accordance with the then political and economic circumstances. It was defined as a people’s republic that conferred sovereign rights and statehood. With the adoption of the Constitution, Bosnia and Herzegovina completed the state-building process and it can be stated that from 31 December 1946, it fully existed and functioned as a state organisation. At the same time, it is necessary to not lose sight of the fact that Bosnia and Herzegovina, by the will of its representatives, was part of a wider state - Yugoslavia. The sovereignty and statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina were limited by the sovereignty of the federal state. These are the sovereign rights that Bosnia and Herzegovina transferred to the FPRY, given that it was an integral part of the unified socioeconomic and political system of AVNOJ Yugoslavia.

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PAX AMERICANA. REPUBLIKA BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA I MEĐUNARODNA DIPLOMATIJA OD VAŠINGTONSKOG DO DEJTONSKOG MIROVNOG SPORAZUMA (18. III 1994 – 21. XI 1995)

Author(s): Zijad Šehić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

On the basis of the reference literature and diplomatic sources, the author considers the plans and activities of the international community to end the war in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period from the Washington to the Dayton Peace Agreement. Special attention is devoted to the events that had influenced the change of former US policy and its more active engagement. The analysis of international diplomacy and attitudes of various countries towards the developments in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, pointed to the complexity of achieving a peace agreement for which the United States had to try out various strategies and seek different solutions, whereby a significant role was played by the situation at its inner-political scene. Author pays special attention to the events that paved the way for a peace agreement, as well as the military and political means that had played a key role in achieving peace. Based on the analysis of the provisions and implementation of the Dayton Peace Agreement, author believes it had ended the war, but did not allow the establishment of a functional state, because the ideologies that had caused the war continued to live and deepen the divisions in BiH society through propaganda and rhetoric. He believes that re-enabling normal life in Bosnia and Herzegovina requires the removal of these structures and the consequences that they have produced and continue to produce, which is why Bosnia and Herzegovina is waiting for support for its European path. He claims that it can only work if the democratic settings, if needed, be even imposed by the international community, which left the project of building the institutions unfinished. If the international community consistently supports this, author believes that the path of accession of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the modern European societies will be much shorter and much faster.

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NESPOJIVOST DAYTONSKIH HIPOTEKA I DRUŠTVA EVROPSKIH NARODA KAO CILJA

Author(s): Slavo Kukić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

The Dayton Peace Agreement ended the war, ended human casualties and material destruction of Bosnia and Herzegovina. But everything else about it, including the documents adopted based on it, is a great burden for Bosnia and Herzegovina as a European society and a European country. Among these, usually the most prominent is Annex 4, the Constitution of BiH, reasons for which are more than obvious. Solutions in this Annex, in fact, today are the basis for the continuation of politic – or policies – that brought the war in the first place. Burden to European changes, however, does not lie only in Annex 4, but also in parts of the others, because they did not anticipate the instruments that would ensure their implementation in real life. Therefore, the most serious question arises: where and how to proceed? Future of BiH in fact faces – and is offered – two scenarios. One is the defence and the elevation to the status of a cult of the existing Dayton solutions – and this scenario is, without a doubt, a guarantee to the continuity of the processes that characterize Bosnia and Herzegovina for the last decade. The second is a review of the Dayton solutions and their upgrade with those that can ensure the process of European transformation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, both as a society and as a country. Forms of upgrades and interventions in existing solutions can be varied, but all have in common the existence of a broad social consensus on the need, and the direction of interventions, or, if the same is not present, the pressure of the world centres of power that would result in this type of urgent system solutions.

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Izborni proces u Bosni i Hercegovini: hibridni spoj modernih i zastarjelih rješenja

Author(s): Damir Arnaut / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

Bosnia and Herzegovina held its first multi-party elections in 1991, and faced a bloody and devastating war the following year. The Dayton Agreement brought peace at the end of 1995, and the first post-war elections were held in 1996, under the auspices of the OSCE. The Electoral Law was adopted by the Bosnia and Herzegovina Parliamentary Assembly in 2001, containing a number of modern, democratic features, such as a fully independent Central Election Commission with no ethnic or entity veto, mandatory gender representation on electoral rolls, automatic voter registration on the basis of ID rolls, and the like. At the same time, several Electoral Law provisions – mandated by Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Daytonwrought Constitution were found contrary to the European Convention on Human Rights by the European Court in Strasbourg, while some others were declared unconstitutional by Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Constitutional Court. These are highly politically-charged matters, resolution of which has been evasive for over a decade in some cases. In the meantime, due to the focus on these politically-sensitive priorities, Bosnia and Herzegovina’s political elites have ignored changes that would dramatically improve legitimacy of elected officials through the introduction of run-off elections, strengthen the integrity of electoral process by way of electronic counting of ballots, as well as increase political stability through the raising of electoral threshold and the introduction of interim elections in situations of political deadlock that prevents government formation. The article discusses all of these matters, providing a comparative perspective, analysis and recommendations.

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Geneza izbornih procesa u Bosni i Hercegovini od 1996. do 2018. godine i moguće promjene u Ustavu i Izbornom zakonu

Author(s): Suad Arnautović / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

We distinguish democratization from stable democracy. In the process of democratization that began in 1990, Bosnia and Herzegovina went through the stages of transition, replacement and displacement of the authoritarian, one-party system into a multi-party system, thus largely discontinuing the ideas (ideology), institutions and procedures of the former regime. However, we still cannot define Bosnia and Herzegovina as a “stable democracy”. What are the causes of this condition? It has been 30 years since the first multi-party elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was the beginning of a process of transition from a one-party to a multi-party political system. From then until the end of 2018, eight presidential election cycles and simultaneous elections for national legislature were held. During that period, numerous political parties of different ideological directions, electoral support and organizational structure were created, but also disappeared from the political arena. Some political parties that were elected to the national parliament in 1990 were “legislative parties” even after the 2018 parliamentary elections, and many of them disappeared from the political arena in the meantime. The Bosnian electoral system has undergone several significant changes during the transition period. The proportional representation (PR) system for parliamentary elections was introduced in the 1990 elections. In the meantime, there have been structural changes in that system, in all the major elements of that system: (1) in the shaping of constituencies and their magnitude; (2) in the ballot type; (3) in a mathematical formula for transfer of votes into seats. Also, some properties of the majority system (FPTP) were changed for the presidential and mayoral elections? These “technical” changes in the electoral system, while maintaining the outdated exclusive ethno-territorial political representation, reduce the electoral processes in BiH to mere electoralism. Is there an alternative to such a situation? Those are the fundamental questions that I set out to answer in this paper.

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Izborno zakonodavstvo u Bosni i Hercegovini: problemi, potrebe i mogućnosti

Author(s): Elvis Fejzić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

In pluralistic regimes of government, citizens should always be provided with the opportunity to participate in various ways in the public sphere. Also, the interests of citizens should always be represented without hindrance in political practice of modern democracies, in accordance with the rules of political equality and people’s sovereignty, which is why other identity groups should not have priority in representing their political interests, because democracy is necessarily based on voting competence of individuals. However, in the practical politics of transitional democracies, a democratic paradox often occurs, and such a practice is present in Bosnia and Herzegovina, so collectivist groups, such as ethnic communities in multinational states, have a privileged status in electoral legislation and political representation. Such a conception of politics is not compatible with the fundamental principles of pluralistic democracy, which is why it is necessary to look for more efficient political solutions that will be able to ensure political integrity for citizens.

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Reforma Izbornog zakonodavstva Bosne i Hercegovine radi ostvarivanja potpune demokracije

Author(s): Slaven Kovačević / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

Starting from the outcome of the French Revolution of the XVIII century, when there was resistance of citizens to the monarchy as a form of government, or autocratic rulers at the time, which led to the transition to a new form of government - the republic – it created a new framework for democratic rights of all citizens and their participation in decision-making process and the enactment of all laws in their country. After the declaration of independence and the restoration of the statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina, through a referendum in March 1992, there was a transition from the previous socialist system to the liberal-democratic system, parliamentary character and multi-party system, which makes this country part of democratic countries. The Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was not an expression of the democratic will of the citizens of this country, created a new political system, which in its Anglo-Saxon form left a number of ambiguities, which are still reflected in various areas of socio-political life including the electoral system in the country. In contrast, there are recommendations from 14 key priorities from the European Commission’s Opinion on Bosnia and Herzegovina’s application for membership in the European Union, one of which is the reform of electoral legislation and the establishment of full democracy.

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Kakvo Izborno zakonodavstvo vodi BiH u društvo evropskih naroda?

Author(s): Slavo Kukić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

As much as the political democracy is not an ideal model of solution for the achievement of social justice principles and equality, in today’s level of development, it represents the least variance from those principles. Unfortunately, there are many solutions within it that signify an obvious detachment from what political democracy can accomplish. Experiences in Bosnia and Herzegovina based upon Electoral Law from 2001 are very vivid evidences for such a claim. Because all ambiguities within this Law that are more than evident were in 20 years of its functioning a reason for discontentment of almost all actors within the political arena in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Therefore, since the first days of its life, we can observe many critics regarding bigger part of embedded solutions – whereat the Law is often accused to be the cause for an individual and collective inequality of citizens and people in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Additionally, there are requests for this Law to be changed to eliminate various reasons for inequality, disparities, dysfunctionality of state and other institutions, etc. But the questions are, which way and direction of changes within the electoral legislation can contribute to the elimination of these causes and which kind of demands could be suitable and satisfactory? This article offers some of the principles that could lead to this trace.

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Demokratska tranzicija i izborni sistem u Bosni i Hercegovini: ideje za jačanje predstavničke funkcije Parlamentarne skupštine Bosne i Hercegovine

Author(s): Elmir Sadiković / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

As the highest legislative body, the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina is the central institution of the political system and the only sovereign authority in the state. In exercising its basic constitutional competencies: political representation, law-making and control over the executive, the Parliamentary Assembly does not fulfill its role in full capacity. The lack of democratic parliamentarism tradition and especially the inability of the party elites to reach consensus on the most important issues of the political and social development diminish the political power of parliament as a center of political decision-making. In political practice, this leads to inappropriate domination of the executive and the concentration of real power in the hands of bureaucratized political party elites. Reforms of electoral legislation can contribute to the democratization of the parliamentary institution and strengthen its role in the political system. These reforms would include a structural change in the way parliament is constituted by: redefining electoral boundaries; change the method of electing representatives by applying the open list system; to ensure a balanced political representation of marginalized social groups. This can create the basis for strengthening interest-civic political organization political behavior and at the same time amortize ethno-territorial political and social divisions.

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Izborno zakonodavstvo u Bosni i Hercegovini u kontekstu prakse Evropskog suda za ljudska prava i Ustavnog suda Bosne i Hercegovine

Author(s): Miodrag N. Simović,Milena Simović / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

The constitutional political right of citizens is to constitute authorities in political communities through elections. Election gives legitimacy to the legislative body as the broadest directly elected representation of citizens. By the act of election, citizens directly express their trust in the government they constitute. Elections are a way of gaining or losing legitimacy. The possibility of citizens’ participation in the election of government bodies is guaranteed by the right to vote, which presupposes the existence, above all, of a multi-party system, because in one-party system the citizens practically do not make an election, but vote in a plebiscite. However, the electoral system is part of the political system and, as a rule, shares its destiny. In doing so, an important aspect in observing the role and effect of the electoral system is the harmonization of the electoral system established by the constitution, laws and other regulations and the electoral system that actually functions in practice. This presupposes the existence of control (by bodies determined by the law) of compliance with all election principles and rules and the sanctioning of all violations that disrupt the electoral system and processes. The modern constitutional state is based on the sovereignty of the peoples and the rule of law, and the elections are the link between these two pillars of the modern state. Like any right, the right to vote can be violated, so the protection of that right is another important precondition for its realization. This issue has a broader constitutional significance, which comparative constitutional practice addresses in various ways.

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Reforma Izbornog zakonodavstva. Kako do integriteta i kredibiliteta izbornog procesa?

Author(s): Vehid Šehić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

Izbori u Bosni i Hercegovini, nakon potpisivanja Općeg okvirnog sporazuma za mir u Bosni i Hercegovini, su se do 2000. godine održavali na osnovu Privremenih pravila u organizaciji OSCE-a, a nakon 2001. godine kada je u Parlamentarnoj skupštini BiH donesen Izborni zakon BiH, formirana je Izborna komisija BiH koja se sastojala od sedam članova, od kojih su četiri bili iz reda državljana BiH i to iz reda Bošnjaka, Hrvata, Srba i ostalih i tri međunarodna koja su činila šef misije OSCE-a u BiH kao i njegov zamjenik i zamjenik Visokog predstavnika u BiH. Time su se stekli i uslovi da Izborna komisija preuzme obavezu i odgovornost za provođenje izbora u skladu sa Izbornim zakonom, a počev od 2002. godine do sada, organizovala je 10 izbornih ciklusa. Analizom odredaba Izbornog zakona lako je uočiti da su određene odredbe Izbornog zakona diskriminatorske, ali su usklađene sa postojećim ustavnim rješenjem.

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Drepturile fundamentale ale cetățeanului și criza sanitară globală

Author(s): Iosif Friedmann-Nicolescu / Language(s): Romanian Publication Year: 0

The global health crisis has led to major changes in fundamental human rights, which have become secondary. The "medical dictatorship" was imposed, which prevails in the human society affected by the SARSCOV pandemic - 2. The impact of the "medical dictatorship" on the fundamental rights of citizens is a new challenge in global society. Fundamental human rights are subordinated to the medical and sanitary rigors

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