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Liberal democracy is recognized today as a legitimate political system almost across the entire world. However, it is not an ideal model, but a political process taking place before our eyes. The author argues that the concept of illiberal democracy, which appeared recently in political discussions, seems to consolidate and petrify a certain moment within the democratic process, whereas the latest research on collective emotions as a factor for political change, has turned out to be more helpful in understanding the nature of it. An analysis of the formation of negative emotions in the works of Martha Nussbaum has allowed for the development of methods which will transform them in such a way that they do not lead to the destruction of the democratic state. Thus, although contemporary political philosophy does not provide recommendations for particular governments, the analysis of emotions affects collective political thinking, and contributes to the peaceful course of political changes in democratic societies.
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Modern Cosmopolitism is good to build questions concerning the institutionalization of the new kind of citizens’ identity around it. This is the identity which goes far beyond citizens’ sense of belonging to a national, racial or ethnic group, which transcends the bonds of blood and land, the identity determined by choice not by birth. In the article I explore different approaches to the idea and conception of Cosmopolitanism. I try to establish whether and how a project of new social essence emerges from a globalizing economy and lax communities built around the sense of unity of lifestyle, local and above-local relationships that transcend the frames of politics.
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According to one of the most influential privacy theories , privacy protects individual autonomy: the exercise of autonomy requires detachment from social and political life and privacy facilitates it. This view of privacy presupposes a tension between privacy and society and is responsible for underrating privacy in legal and political practice. I argue that we should understand autonomy as politically embedded. On the contrary, privacy has a political value: when we claim privacy, we do not make a claim to withdraw from political life, but rather to protect certain forms of political engagement. Such view of privacy provides a solid basis for its protection than the traditional view prevailing in current legal practice and political discourse.
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Civility is treated as the main liberal virtue by one of the most important political philosophers of the 20th century, John Rawls. In this interpretation, liberalism requires not only institutions, but also a specific attitude of citizens and the political culture that shapes such attitudes. Political coexistence with citizens who did not share beliefs about a good life became an imperative. Rawls pointed out that the solution is civility, which requires participants in the public sphere to conduct the discussion in such a way as to obtain consent. Civility characterizes citizens who are ready to seek what they have in common with people who hold different views. Politics, however, can be dominated by corporations and capital, which distort public deliberations and discussions, and has an element of contradiction of interests and the pursuit of economic domination, and is also threatened by emotions resulting from attachment to certain religious and philosophical doctrines. It is difficult to say if the duty of civility is a sufficient safeguard.
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The article is an analysis of the virtue of justice as perceived by Sebastian Petrycy from Pilzno. Petrycy demanded social justice in the relation of the nobility to the plebeians. He did not agree to the treatment of peasants as slaves. He demanded judicial justice - desiring to repair the state. He warned the nobility against the consequences of the injustice they had committed.
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The idea of civic education, being distinctly exposed in the Enlightenment period, has its origin in the 16th and 17th centuries, in the so called Old Polish times. It was in writings from these centuries that the social-political thought took the prominent place. It was in these times when the ideas defined as civic philosophy which undertook and developed the issue of civic education, the need for pro-social and pro-state attitude formation appeared for the first time in the philosophical and social thought. At the time, the issue of the Republic’s salvation, its institutions, public welfare and its dangers, the principle of justice and many relevant issues were the predominant matter of discussions. We recall the animators and protagonists of discussions in which the civic education was addressed. This issue was undertaken by outstanding representatives of Polish philosophical and socio-political thought, including Andrzej Frycz-Modrzewski, Stanisław Orzechowski, Marycjusz Szymon from Pilzno, Łukasz Górnicki, Piotr Skarga, Sebastian Petrycy from Pilzno, Szymon Starowolski, Andrzej Maksymilian Fredro. Their thinking, as well as the opinions of some less celebrated but numerous participants of the discussion are recalled here with a belief, that at least some of the propositions, recommendations and demands raised at that time go beyond merely historical perspective.
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The paper aims to compare two concepts of patriotism, the first one authored by Karol Libelt (1807–1875), the second one - by Kazimierz Twardowski (1866–1938). In the first chapter the short biographies of both philosophers are presented. In the second chapter Libelt’s concept of patriotism is reconstructed. Poznań philosopher characterizes the notion of the love for country by the three triads: material, spiritual and ideological. The material dimension includes sentiment for the place of birth, and political and economic system. The spiritual dimension includes customs, language and culture, especially literature. The ideological dimension includes the institution of state, church and historical consciousness. The state in Libelt’s thought is an institution that merges material and spiritual dimension of a nation and is a basis for its political existence. In the third chapter Twardowski’s approach to patriotism is interpreted. According to him, patriotism begins with the love of one’s local neighborhood. In the next phase – owing to influence of family and school – this feeling includes wider social wholes – a country and a nation. In this process the role of language as a means of communication is very important. Finally, the abstract notion of Poland is discussed. According to Twardowski, spreading the patriotic attitudes should lead to democratization of the society, social equality and solidarity. Finally, in the fourth chapter, Libelt and Twardowski’s approaches are compared.
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The project "The Development of Philosophical Competences" was launched under the Operational Programme “Knowledge. Education. Development” (POWER), organized by the National Centre for Research and Development (POWR.03.01.00-IP.08-00-EFI/16). The project proposed resigning from teaching philosophy and changes in philosophical thought in historical perspective. It suggested omitting systematic philosophical education (e.g. Ajdukiewicz’s Problems and Trends in Philosophy). As an alternative, it offered developing selected philosophical competences, such as the so called soft skills: creativity, communication skills, flexibility, Lipman’s philosophical inquiry. The article presents the principles and solutions of the project. It shows the proposals aimed at the development of the skills required for good arguing, critical, independent thinking, logic and heuristic. It suggests the methods for acquiring better philosophical abilities, broadening horizons, understanding different perspectives on moral and ethical issues. It is vital to develop cognitive interest among secondary school students, to improve their skills in analysis, synthesis, drawing conclusions, asking and answering questions, considering different points of view. The article analyses the practical character of the project – the students are to develop their intellectual potential, which will be used in their career on the labour market. It also describes activating methods applied in the class, which allow for fulfilling the aims of philosophy, i.e. arousing interest in the problem, asking questions and finding answers to them. It was also considered important to show the advantages and weaknesses of this model of philosophical education in Polish schools.
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Roman Ingarden, writing that man exists and lives on the borderline between two different types of existence: animal and spiritual, and on the borderline between two domains: that of physical nature and that of culture, which transcends the physical world, essentially references the classic definition of man: homo est animal rationale. His/her world is both the natural world out of which s/he grows, and the world of culture which s/he creates. It is a consequence of man's own nature, i.e. the fact that s/he constantly transcends the natural world through his/her conscious acts. In this way, s/he creates a world of culture which is not a real, autonomous world, but a purely intentional, heteronomousone. And it is precisely this heteronomous world of man’s purely intentional output that is close to him/her, because s/he understands it as intentional. On the other hand, the real world, the world of nature, like the world of ideal objects, is perceived by man as mysterious. Therefore, man feels better in the intentional world, created by him/herself, than in the real world that s/he encounters as part of his/her physical existence. However, man’s immersion in the intentional world, coinciding with his/her ignoring the real world, leads to the destruction of both, and – at the same time - the destruction of man, which is exemplified by the current ecological crisis. The real world and the purely intentional world should, therefore form – to the fullest possible extent - a harmonious self-complementary whole.
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The article aims to demonstrate that values and norms are the basis for the establishment, functioning and evaluation of social institutions and activities undertaken by individuals performing certain roles. They act as transcendental assumptions of the functioning of the social world and are used as criteria for evaluating institutions, communities and individuals. They can and do play a causative role. The participants of social life are usually not aware of them. They are learnt empirically by the individuals sensitive to them or inferentially in scientific reflection, which adopts a holistic concept of experience.
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The principles of the post- war part of the Warsaw’s Museum of the History of Polish Jews as seen by one of its creators are as follows: Jews seen in relation to Poland; Jews in Poland, not only Polish Jews; the post-war history as a new chapter rather than a footnote; one narration emphasizing the need to choose a path; no value judgements regarding the path chosen; average Jews presented, not only the famous ones; presenting those who would like to be included in the story of Polish Jews; no stereotypes, be they negative or positive, as the point of departure; Jews among the power elite presented but no acceptance of the alleged Jewishness of the power; showing anti-Semitism, the focus on Jewish life.
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The article compares two paradigms – realistic and idealistic in the field of international theories of political economy, and their approach to poverty. I will describe what kind of strategies in alleviating poverty result from these two theoretical approaches. The analysis will be presented within the framework of the discussion on global distributive justice. Thus, I will first provide a brief description of both paradigms - focusing on the axiological and institutional aspects of them, so that the reader can later better understand the approach of these two paradigms to the ways to prevent poverty (1); afterwards, I will briefly reconstruct the history of food production and its international changes to show how the two paradigms differently interpret the processes taking place in the world (2); later, I will present how both paradigms describe and understand the causes of poverty (3) and finally, I will present the conclusions that I draw from the comparison of these two models (4).
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The text presents selected difficulties ("wciórności") encountered by philosophers who think in their native (Polish) language. To illustrate the problem, I give examples: the metaphors of the lamus/granary (a forgotten and unused resource of a vocabulary), a widnokrąg/horizon (as an example of an untranslatable term), a prowizorka/makeshift (an example of a translatable word, but with a specific native etymology and related semantic contexts) and przyjaźń/friendship (word that provides subtle meanings, unrecognized in other languages). The conclusion is the postulate to cultivate what is unique and specific in the native language without disregarding the requirements of a dialogue with a foreign-language thought.
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In this paper, we present E. Elias Merhige’s experimental silent horror film Begotten (1990), a symbolic artwork drawing heavily upon the concept of the abusive, violent nature of human activity upon Earth, in an unusual, epic narrative form. More specifically, Begotten, devoid of verbal communication, yet abundant in striking, often brutal, black-and-white imagery in the vein of German Expressionism cinema and Viennese Actionism performances, confronts the audience with the ecological devastation caused by the human species, as the latter has violently exploited Earth and its earthling others for decades.
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An attempt of describing the moral collapse of Polish society in the recent decade in front of increase of such the attitudes like populism, foreigners hostility, nationalism and antisemitism. All these phenomena are the symptoms of disappearing of the elementary ethical sensitivity in the public life. Practical negation of the Christian values in spite of rhetoric declarations emerge from the deep crisis of Christianity in clash with the political instrumentalisation of it.
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