USTAVNI, POLITIČKI I INSTITUCIONALNI OKVIR NARODNE SKUPŠTINE REPUBLIKE SRBIJE

Author(s): Slaviša Orlović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Iako je višepartizam u Srbiji uspostavljen u isto vreme kada i u drugim istočno-evropskim državama, političke promene i demokratizacija Srbije bitno se razlikuju od ostalih postkomunističkih društava. Slobodan Milošević je došao na vlast u pretpluralističko vreme, transformisao Savez komunista Srbije (SKS) u Socijalističku partiju Srbije (dalje SPS) i od 1987. do 2000. bio na vlasti. Politički život u Srbiji tokom devedesetih godina imao je karakteristike zatvorene države (sankcijama UN), zatvorenog društva (zabranama od strane režima) i zatvorenog sistema (blokadama), pri čemu nije bila dozvoljena i moguća prava politička kompeticija. U Srbiji je 90-ih godina dvadesetog veka SPS predstavljala „dominantnu stranku“. Ona je sve vreme bila na vlasti (1990–2000). Podrška ovoj partiji osipala se od izbora do izbora i bila je prinuđena da čini sve veće ustupke koalicionim partnerima, uz čiju pomoć je namicala skupštinsku većinu (bilo da su u pitanju Nova demokratija, Srpska radikalna stranka ili Jugoslovenska levica). Režim u Srbiji tokom devedesetih godina dvadesetog veka kvalifikuju kao hibridni, odnosno „autoritarni režim sa demokratskom odorom“ (Pavlović, Antonić). Kada se govori o Srbiji, potrebno je napraviti razliku između perioda od 1990. godine do 2000, nakon političkih promena u Srbiji i smene Miloševića.

TRANSPARENTNOST PARLAMENTA CRNE GORE

Author(s): Nataša Ružić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Istorija je pokazala da su već prvi vladari pokušavali upravljati građanima koristeći različita komunikaciona sredstva. Shvatajući značaj komunikacije, Gaius Julius Caesar osnovao je prvu zidnu novinu Acta Senatus sa ciljem obavje- štavanja javnosti o radu i odlukama Senata. Potreba za informisanjem građana i kontrolom rada političkih institucija vremenom se samo pojačavala. Tako su se sredinom XVII vijeka u Engleskoj pojavili prvi politički nedjeljnici, koji su ne samo izvještavali o radu parlamenta, već i kritikovali parlamentarne rasprave. Tačnije, od novembra 1641. godine objavljuju se izvještaji o raspravama u parlamentu koji, u zavisnosti od teme rasprave, dobijaju naziv Diurnall Occurrences, A Perfect Diurnall of the Passages in Parliament. Diurnall su zapravo objavljivali nezvaničnu informaciju dobijenu od članova parlamenta. Novina se ogledala u tome da su se u nedjeljnicima mogle pročitati međupartijske rasprave skupštinskih domova (Gocini, 2001:51). John Birkenhead je otišao korak dalje i osnovao nedeljnik Mercurius Aulicus radi napada na lidere parlamentarnog pokreta. U želji da se obračuna sa političkim neistomišljenicima, ponekad je koristio čak i klevete. Kasnije su osnivani politički listovi koji su se prvenstveno borili protiv vlasti i za slobodu štampe.

SOCIJALNA PRAVA U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI

Author(s): Besima Borić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

„Ideja da država treba provoditi neki oblik socijalne pravde je stara i uvijek podrazumijeva da su ljudi osjetili neki oblik nepravde. U modernom društvu, većina građana može se naći u situaciji kad se treba suočiti sa rizikom, u većini slučajeva ne svojom greškom. U takvim situacijama pojedinac otkriva vrijednost solidarnosti, iako je, možda, bio zaveden da je se odrekne. Jednakost je namijenjena svakome.” Olof Palme Socijalnu politiku možemo definirati kao sistem mjera koje eliminiraju siromaštvo i privilegije, koji zagovara rad za sve sposobne i stvara uvjete za dostojanstven život onih koji ne mogu svojim radom to obezbijediti, uvažavajući načelo solidarnosti i uzajamnosti. Dosadašnja socijalna politika u Bosni i Hercegovini nije vođena na konzistentan način u smislu obuhvatanja svih građana na uživanju univerzalnih rješenja koja donose opću socijalnu sigurnost svim članovima društva, nego su mjere uvijek bile okrenute pojedinim socijalnim i specifičnim grupama, održavajući tako socijalni mir. Osmišljena socijalna politika nije ni vođena, bila je u drugom planu i zapravo se svodila na parcijalna rješenja za odabrane grupe, na humanitarna davanja, odnos pojedinaca i slično.

MODE OF EXERCISE OF THE NATIONAL MINORITIES RIGHTS IN SERBIA

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia and Humanitarian Centre for Integration and Tolerance from Novi Sad in the course of August and September 2002 carried out a research on the status of collective rights of national minorities in Serbia. That research covered 36 municipalities in Vojvodina and 16 municipalities in Central Serbia, that is municipalities inhabited by the largest number of national minorities according to the 1991 census.7 The goal of research was to establish the level of enforcement of collective rights of national minorities as prescribed by the domestic legislation and international standards. The research covered guaranteed collective rights of national minorities in the following areas: 1. The right to use mother tongue and alphabet 2. The right to education in mother tongue 3. The right to nurturing national culture and tradition 4. The right to information in mother tongue 5. The right to effective participation of national minorities in public life. This research was carried out by the two teams. One worked in the territory of the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina, while the other worked in Central, or more precisely, Eastern Serbia, Sandžak and South Serbia. Their work was divided in view of high concentration of minorities in those areas.

KAKO SE OSTVARUJU PRAVA NACIONALNIH MANJINA U SRBIJI

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia and Humanitarian Centre for Integration and Tolerance from Novi Sad in the course of August and September 2002 carried out a research on the status of collective rights of national minorities in Serbia. That research covered 36 municipalities in Vojvodina and 16 municipalities in Central Serbia, that is municipalities inhabited by the largest number of national minorities according to the 1991 census.7 The goal of research was to establish the level of enforcement of collective rights of national minorities as prescribed by the domestic legislation and international standards. The research covered guaranteed collective rights of national minorities in the following areas: 1. The right to use mother tongue and alphabet 2. The right to education in mother tongue 3. The right to nurturing national culture and tradition 4. The right to information in mother tongue 5. The right to effective participation of national minorities in public life. This research was carried out by the two teams. One worked in the territory of the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina, while the other worked in Central, or more precisely, Eastern Serbia, Sandžak and South Serbia. Their work was divided in view of high concentration of minorities in those areas.

National report on the crimes of communism in Slovenia

Author(s): Andreja Valič,Damjan Hančič,Boštjan Kolarič,Jernej Letnar Černič,Renato Podbersič / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

For six centuries the Slovenian lands had been the part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which disintegrated aft er the WWI. According to the will of the Paris Peace Conference and the world super powers the majority of the Slovenian lands in 1918 entered the first Yugoslavia. Th e western part belonged to Italy and the west-northern part belonged to Austria. During the WWI in Slovenia (1941–1945) there were occupation, resistance, revolution, collaboration and the civil war. After the Axis attack on Yugoslavia on 6 April 1941, Slovenia was occupied by Italy, Germany and Hungary. After the Italian capitulation in September 1943, Germany added the Italian Slovenian territory into the Operational Zone Adriatic Littoral. After the German occupation of Hungary, the Third Reich occupied the whole of Slovenia. All three occupying countries had the same goal: to Italianize, Germanize and Hungarize the Slovenians and assimilate the occupied territories.

Vystúpenie Juraja Šveca, podpredsedu Zahraničného výboru Národnej rady SR

Author(s): Juraj Švec / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

The 10-year-long endeavour of the Central European countries focused on reconstruction of their political and economic system found its reflection in strengthening and consolidation of democracy and thus in achieving a considerable level of integration capacities, necessary for a successful finish of the integration process. On the other hand the integration configuration of the EU states as a recipient of new democracies needed a whole decade to reach an appropriate absorption capacity that would enable the EU to enlarge by 5 up to 10 new member states. The EU Summit in Nice in December 2001 became despite many doubts and disbeliefs the crucial breaking moment of the EU enlargement process. It defined the necessity of institutional changes in the structure of the EU because of the enlargement process and called upon the representatives of the national parliaments and political, economic and university circles to open a wide discussion about the political and economic organization of our continent. The Nice Summit co-invited the candidate countries to participate in a preparation of the reform in following four directions: - division of organization between the EU institutions and institutions of the member states; - implementation of the EU Charter of Human Rights; - issue of simplifying resolutions of the EU Summits to make them more understandable for a wider European public; - role of national parliaments in creating the architecture of future Europe.

Plnenie medzinárodných záväzkov SR v oblasti ľudských a menšinových práv v roku 2000

Author(s): Miroslav Kusý / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

In the year 2000 the half time of existence of the current governmental coalition as such and the Dzurinda's government in particular was balanced. Also those who have presented themselves until now as governmental permanent critics if they do not belong directly to radical political opposition they could not let a whole series of remarkable successes of this government unacknowledged, starting, of course, with foreign policy followed by economy (accepting Slovakia into the OECD) and stabilisation of rule of law by participation policy (presence of the Hungarian minority in the governmental coalition), by rehabilitation of political culture and even by fight against crime - as is for instance praised by Milan Zitny in the article Home in the half time (Domino Forum 44/2000, p. 2). Even some moderate representatives of political opposition admit some undeniable successes of this government. In both cases this positive statement was accompanied by ambiguous but. followed by a fusillade of objections and disappointments, even invectives and offences of honour.

1995-2003: POST-DAYTON STRUGGLE FOR EQUALITY

Author(s): Arijana Aganović / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This chapter covers women’s participation in the political processes and public life in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period between the signing of the Dayton Peace Accords and the adoption of the Gender Equality Law in 2003. These two events will offer a temporal framework for the following chapter. The signing of the Accords marked the future of political life in Bosnia and Herzegovina while the adoption of the Gender Equality Law marked a turning point in the process of establishment of institutional mechanisms for combating gender inequality.

2003-2015: THE ERA OF GENDER EQUALITY MECHANISMS

Author(s): Edita Miftari / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This chapter covers women’s politics and activism in the period between the adoption of the Gender Equality Law in 2003 and 2015, when this chapter was written. The Gender Equality Law is seen as a turning point for the political participation of women in BiH, primarily because it demanded the harmonization of other laws, including the Electoral Law, with the 40% gender quota it introduced. Another key moment for women’s organizations was the formation of The Club of Women Parliamentarians FBiH in 2013. This chapter will elaborate on the challenges and obstacles the women in the Federal Parliament faced during the implementation of this initiative. The chapter will also discuss the role of women in the Executive since recent years have seen an increase in the number of posts held by women at all levels of the BiH government. The internal organization of political parties will also be discussed, specifically – the role women play in the decisionmaking bodies of their chosen political parties. In its conclusion, this chapter will present the emerging female politicians who represent the future of women’s politics in BiH.

USTAV BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE

Author(s): Goran Marković / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Ustav Bosne i Hercegovine ima karakter oktroisanog ustava, pošto ga nije donijela neka domaća institucija, nego je stupio na snagu kao aneks (dodatak) jednog međunarodnog sporazuma. Pripada kategoriji pisanih, kodifikovanih, čvrstih i kratkih ustava. Sastoji se od malog broja dugih članova, koji obrađuju ustavnu materiju nepotpuno, donekle neprecizno, prozno i esejistički. Strukturu Ustava čine preambula, normativni dio i dva aneksa. Preambula je kratka i sadrži osnovne principe na kojima počiva ustavno uređenje Bosne i Hercegovine. Normativni dio se sastoji od dvanaest članova, kojima se manje-više cjelovito uređuju pojedini segmenti ustavne materije. Prvi aneks Ustava sadrži spisak međunarodnih akata o ljudskim pravima i slobodama koji se primjenjuju u Bosni i Hercegovini, a drugi sadrži tematski različite odredbe. Ustav dosad nije revidiran primjenom amandmanske tehnike, nego odlukama visokog predstavnika, Parlamentarne skupštine i sporazumima entiteta o prenosu nadležnosti.

DRUŠTVENI ASPEKTI POLITIČKOG SISTEMA

Author(s): Zlatiborka Popov-Momčinović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

S obzirom da nijedan politički sistem ne postoji tako reći u „bezvazdušnom“ prostoru, već funkcioniše u određenom društvenom kontekstu, da bi se bolje ušlo u smisao i različite aspekte njegovog funkcionisanja neophodno je ukazati i na njegove strukturno- kulturne uslovljenosti. U tu svrhu se najčešće koristi sintagma civilno društvo, s obzirom da se radi o onom aspektu društvenosti koji je važan indikator načina i stila vladanja i procesa donošenja ključnih političkih odluka, kako u smeru od društva prema vlasti, tako i u smeru od vlasti prema društvu. Pored praktične važnosti, radi se i o sintetičkom terminu koji u sebi inkorporira i druge bitne aspekte društvenosti, budući da se puna „zrelost“ i konsolidacija demokratskog, civilnog društva ne može očekivati u okolnostima velike socijalne i ekonomske deprivacije, nezaposlenosti, slabe i marginalizovane srednje klase, lošeg obrazovnog sistema, rodne neravnopravnosti i dr.

Domácí násilí v kontextu násilí na ženách

Author(s): Kateřina Machovcová / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Diskriminace – co to je a co to není

Author(s): Eva Fialová / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Práce a pracovní síla v informační společnosti: příležitosti a výzvy pro lidská práva žen

Author(s): Heike Jensen / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

THE POSITION OF THE ROMANIES IN A LOCAL COMMUNITY

Author(s): Emilija Cicić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The Romanies in Kragujevac have a destiny similar to those in other cities of Serbia: as a group, they are at the most extreme margin. Living isolated from the social trends, in an almost parallel world, they do not have any social power. The society doesn’t show interest in them and their problems, while only some individuals have an understanding of civil and collective rights. Many Romanies are not able to realize the basic civil and collective rights because they are not aware of them. More often than not, the institutions in charge, which should protect their rights, tend to reject them, rather than provide them with necessary help. The position of Romanies has got additionally worse with the wide-spread pauperization of society. A substantial number of Romanies who had been working in “Zastava” were fired. They are now either registered with the Bureau of Employment, or selling goods at the flea market. Some categories of the Romany population are in an extremely difficult position: refugees from Kosovo, deportees from the Western countries, and child beggars without parental guidance or care.

Evropska unija: pravni okvir i mehanizmi za rodnu ravnopravnost

Author(s): Adrijana Hanušić-Bećirović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Evropska unija funkcioniše na principu vladavine prava tako da su sve njene radnje utemeljene na ugovorima na čiji sadržaj su dobrovoljno i demokratskim putem pristale sve države članice EU. Pravni instrumenti Evropske unije (EU) su podijeljeni u dvije grupe. Prvu grupu čini takozvano primarno zakonodavstvo EU – osnivački ugovori; Ugovor o Evropskoj uniji (UEU), poznat i kao Ugovor iz Mastrihta iz 1992. godine, Ugovor o funkcioniranju Evropske unije (UFEU) te Povelja EU o temeljnim pravima. Obaveze iz ugovora jesu postavile temelje za EU politike rodne ravnopravnosti i imaju posebnu težinu. One su provodive od strane država članica, EU institucija, kao i – zahvaljujući doktrini o njihovom direktnom efektu – od samih građana EU pred domaćim sudovima. Sekundarne izvore prava čine pravilnici/uredbe, odluke, preporuke, mišljenja te uputstva/direktive, koje su obavezujuće u smislu rezultata. To znači da su države u postizanju definisanih ciljeva slobodne da odluče o najboljem načinu njihove implementacije (čl. 288 UFEU).

Zabrana nošenja vjerskih obilježja na radnom mjestu: perspektiva Suda pravde Evropske unije

Author(s): Amila Kurtović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Već decenijama je marama ili hidžab tema šire društvene, a u posljednje vrijeme i pravne polemike u nekoliko evropskih država, naročito u Belgiji i Francuskoj. To nije iznenađujuće kada se uzme u obzir da obje te države na svojim prostorima imaju dugu tradiciju islama, te brojne muslimanske zajednice koje zahtijevaju poštivanje svojih vjerskih uvjerenja. Uprkos tome, ni Belgija ni Francuska ne djeluju odveć otvorene prema vjerskoj raznolikosti svojih stanovnika. Takav stav se često opravdava zahtjevima “vjerske neutralnosti” ili sekularizma. Neutralni pristup države religiji između ostalog podrazumijeva da niti jedna religija ne smije imati utjecaja na državna pitanja. Jedna od posljedica takvog pristupa u ovim dvjema državama je i zabrana nošenja vjerskih simbola na radnom mjestu za javne službenike, što – kako se u praksi pokazalo – najviše dotiče pokrivene žene muslimanke. Osim državne službe, zabrane nošenja hidžaba, odnosno drugih vjerskih obilježja, uvele su i škole, ugostiteljski i sportski objekti, a sada i poslodavci privatnog sektora, formulirajući ih kao zabrane nošenja pokrivala za glavu ili generalne zabrane nošenja vjerskih obilježja i odjeće. Takve prakse su u mnogim slučajevima svojim odlukama podržali i nacionalni sudovi.

THE NATO WAR OF 1999 AND THE IMPOTENCE OF INTERNATIONAL LAW

Author(s): Hans Köchler / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The unilateral use of force by NATO member states against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1999 has made obvious the flaws of the United Nations system of collective security and has demonstrated the unenforceability of the ban on the use of force in contemporary international law. The concept of “humanitarian intervention” has been proven to be legally invalid, essentially serving as an ideological tool to justify acts for which it is impossible to obtain the Security Council authorization. The dysfunctionality of the Council in the Yugoslavia/Kosovo conflict was further aggravated by a systemic flaw in the UN Charter, namely the provisions of Article 27(3) allowing a permanent member to act as judex in causa sua/ “judge in his own cause,” and to block any collective enforcement action against its own acts of aggression. In terms of international criminal law, the NATO war of 1999 has further exposed the problems of judicial procedures based on Chapter VII resolutions of the Security Council. The (legally invalid) creation of an ad hoc court by virtue of a coercive measure of the Council has meant the politicization of proceedings and a practice of double standards, effectively determined by the most powerful states in the Council at the time. No investigation was ever opened over the war crimes committed by NATO forces in the course of the 1999 war (over which the Yugoslavia Tribunal of the Security Council clearly had jurisdiction). In regard to (state) accountability for acts of aggression as well as (personal) responsibility for the commission of international crimes, the lesson from the NATO war of 1999 is twofold: (a) that international law under the UN system of collective security is impotent, and (b) a unipolar power constellation frequently invites acts of self-help and encourages a policy of faits accomplis. This can only be challenged if a credible balance of power emerges at the global level.

SIGNIFICANT VIOLATIONS OF THE RULES OF THE INTERNATIONAL LAW OF ARMED CONFLICT IN AGGRESSION ON THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA 1991

Author(s): Vladan Jončić,Miloš Jončić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The NATO Pact’s aggression against Yugoslavia in 1999 is a school example of serious violations of all relevant norms of international law. This article indicates important violations of the international law of armed conflicts that were carried out by the NATO Pact during aggression. A significant number of the ius cogens norms has been violated. Especially, NATO forces use prohibited methods during executions of war operations. NATO forces committ war crimes during air attacks. Besides this, NATO committed a crime against peace and a crime against humanity. The rules of protection of civilians and civilian objects guaranteed by the 1949 Geneva Conventions (the Fourth Geneva Convention) and almost all rules of the international law of armed conflicts guaranteed by international conventions and customary international law were grossly violated during this agression. First of all, protection of journalists, women, children, civilian objects, objects of which depends the survival of the civilian population, facilities that international law guarantees protection, etc., have been grossly violated. Hospitals and hospital transport were attacked. A number of human rights rules have been violated, such as the right to life, the right to free development and the management of natural resources, freedom of movement, the children’s rights, etc. The use of weapons with depleted uranium and the bombardment of civilian objects which contain dangerous forces has caused the effect of using chemical weapons (Pancevo Refinery, etc.). This has led to the endangering of human rights of the third generation, such as the right to a healthy environment. The huge destruction of the infrastructure made enormous material damage. The consequences of aggression and all this violations of international humanitarian law are still unimaginable and the question is whether they will ever been.