Rosi Braidotti, The Posthuman
review of: Rosi Braidotti, The Posthuman. Malden: Polity Press, 2013, 229 s. [zawiera bibliografię i indeks]. ISBN: 978-0-7456-6997-7 [Kindle Edition]
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review of: Rosi Braidotti, The Posthuman. Malden: Polity Press, 2013, 229 s. [zawiera bibliografię i indeks]. ISBN: 978-0-7456-6997-7 [Kindle Edition]
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The main aim of this article is to pose and consider the following question: Does the reasoning that led to Kripkenstein’s sceptical paradox undermine all versions of materialism, including nonreductive materialism? First, I present other versions of materialism in the philosophy of mind. Then I point out that, according to nonreductive materialists, one can neither define mental properties in terms of physical properties nor derive psycho‑physical laws from the laws of physics. The presently‑understood thesis of materialism is confined by the following claim: the same distribution of physical properties entails the same distribution of mental properties. In other words, the mental properties supervene upon physical properties. This account then leads to the following formulation of the main question: Assuming that Kripkenstein is right, do mental properties supervene upon physical properties? Taking into account that answering this question requires a discussion of the notions of supervenience and Kripkenstein’s paradox, I devote two parts of my paper to these topics. The conclusion which I reach is as follows: If the reasoning that led to Kripkenstein’s paradox is correct, mental properties can only globally supervene upon physical properties, and consequently no version of materialism can be empirically justified.
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In the book Heidegger and the myth of a Jewish world conspiracy, Peter Trawny convincingly shows that anti-Semitism in Heidegger’s thought does not have the shape of the Nazi call for racial discrimination, but rather is a stereotypical and unfortunate element of Heidegger’s call for a transformation of thinking so that philosophy and the human attitude to life would be focused on Being itself (Seyn selbst) instead of beings (Seiendes). Despite the advantages of Trawny’s book, I think that Trawny unlawfully tries to demonstrate that antiSemitism is the main ethical and political problem of Heideggerian philosophy, while in my opinion the main problem is Heidegger’s “being-historical Manichaeism” — a phenomenon which is only marginally evoked by Trawny. This Manichaeism brings Heidegger to criticize the values of human subjectivity, personality and social and economic self-security as the enemies of Being. These views not only can have severe political collectivist implications, but — to put it in the terminology of Sein und Zeit — they also make Heidegger speak in the manner of the conservative variant of “idle talk” (Gerede) of “the they” (das Man).
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Publikując Tractatus Politico Philosophicus: Traktat polityczno filozoficzny w Polce, sądziłem, że zostanie on lepiej zrozumiany i życzliwiej przyjęty. Tym należy tłumaczyć serdeczność i otwartość, z jaką dzieliłem się egzemplarzami książki. Do filozofii dochodziłem stopniowo. Pierwszymi moimi studiami była elektronika. Kolejne studia na Katolickim Uniwersytecie Lubelskim, chociaż ciekawe z uwagi na środowisko, nie były jeszcze przełomowe. Cechą istotną filozofii jest oryginalność twórcza. Przełom filozoficzny dokonuje się wtedy, kiedy ma się świadomość dochodzenia do swoich własnych myśli. W moim przypadku takim przełomem był twórczy okres spędzony na Katolickim Uniwersytecie Ameryki w Waszyngtonie. Świadectwem tego okresu jest krótki esej The wisdom of love, nawiązujący do fragmentu 35 Empedoklesa, oraz artykuł: A point of reconciliation between Schopenhauer and Hegel. Obydwie prace ukazały się w poważnych pismach przed ukończeniem mojej pracy doktorskiej, którą kontynuowałem na Uniwersytecie Oksfordzkim i którą uwieńczyła książka The presocratics in the thought of Martin Heidegger (Berno–Oxford–Warsaw: Peter Lang, 2016).
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In choosing this subject, I have subscribed to the assumption that political history takes turns, not unlike the alternating rhythms of social change. It turns from faith to the mirage of earthly salvation; from an eschatological war to the susceptibility toward acquiescence; and from ideological animation to the cynical contests for power and one’s own self‑seeking interests. According to this premise, the ideo‑political construction of a liberal micro‑history is curtailed by the growth and withering — the ebb and flow — of the proclivity to freedom.
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Debates / Debaty: Prof. Paweł Kłoczowski, Prof. Aleksander Smolar, Prof. Marcin Król, Prof. Andrzej Waśkiewicz, Prof. Katarzyna Haremska, Prof. Piotr Bartula, Anna Czepiel and Prof. Beata Polanowska‑Sygulska.
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W jakim kierunku zmierza Zachód, a wraz z nim Polska? Dlaczego stabilna dotychczas liberalna demokracja, która miała być politycznym kresem historii, finałem długiej drogi ludzkości ku ustrojowi idealnemu, na naszych oczach bywa kwestionowana? Dlaczego ład, który miał w pełni zaspokajać wszystkie potrzeby natury ludzkiej, jest krytykowany i jawnie odrzucany? Przecież trwa gospodarcza prosperity, poziom nierówności, przynajmniej w Europie, jest na, jak się wydaje, akceptowalnym poziomie. Nie grozi nam żadna konkretna wojna ani ekspansja jakiegoś określonego totalitaryzmu. Społeczeństwa zachodnie żyją na wysokim poziomie, w pokoju, w otoczeniu przewidywalnych partnerów.
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The review of: Janusz Grygieńć, Colin Tyler (red.), Nowy liberalizm. Wybór tekstów Toruń: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika, 2016, 232 s. (seria Polityka w kulturze), ISBN: 978–83–231–3815–0
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The review of: Fareed Zakaria, Przyszłość wolności. Nieliberalna demokracja w Stanach Zjednoczonych i na świecie Przeł. Tomasz Bieroń. Warszawa: Fundacja Kultura Liberalna, 2018, 332 s. (seria Biblioteka Kultury Liberalnej), ISBN: 978–83–940356–9‑3
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Sprawozdanie z ogólnopolskiej konferencji: Polska myśl liberalna — tradycja i współczesność (Kraków, 19–20 maja 2017) / Report from the national conference: Polish Liberal Thought - Tradition and the Present (Kraków, 19-20 May 2017)
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15 czerwca 2018 roku krakowianie mieli okazję uczestniczyć w debacie o stanie współczesnej demokracji. Odbyła się ona w ramach cyklu „Sztuka myślenia”. Pod nazwą tą od stycznia 2017 roku w Teatrze im. Juliusza Słowackiego w Krakowie odbywają się (raz w miesiącu) spotkania teatralno‑filozoficzne.
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W dobrym tonie jest dziś obwinianie racjonalności, którą uznaje się za przyczynę wszelkiego zła przytłaczającego współczesne społeczeństwa, przemocy ze strony państwa wobec szerzenia się braku kultury, świata koncentrującego się na niszczeniu zasobów naturalnych, indywidualnej alienacji względem zbiorowej rezygnacji. Nie chodzi tu o odrzucenie takiego poglądu, o odrzucenie, które na tych kilku stronach sprowadziłoby się do przeciwstawienia zbytnim uproszczeniom innych uproszczeń, nie mniej nadmiernych. Nie chodzi też o opowiedzenie się za rozumem oraz o wychwalanie cnót tego odwiecznego boga, ponieważ formułuje się wobec niego zarzuty i przybiera na sile wrzawa, która zewsząd domaga się uzupełnienia duszy. Chodzi tu o pewną spekulację, to znaczy działanie dziennikarskie, ponieważ okazuje się, że dziennikarstwo idei stało się głównym miejscem rozkwitu słowotoku metafizycznego.
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The paper addresses the issue of the corporeal dimension of the learning process. The problem of the material side of education has emerged within the emancipatory education project, but, as will be argued, this was limited to a critique inspired by Marxist tradition. The perspective on the materiality of education offered by Freire’s and Illich’s works can be significantly enriched by contemporary political thought. The latter perceives materiality in its complexity, that is, as economic conditions but also as the inherent needs stemming from our bodily condition. As will be demonstrated, the contemporary reflection could serve as a critique, one on the limited character of Freire’s and Illich’s emancipatory education, as well as providing ideas which might expand their project.
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The text is a lecture delivered in German at Augsburg University in 2018. It aim was to share with German colleagues from the Faculty of Philosophy and Social Sciences (including both Philosophy and Education) the research whose effect was the publication of Hannah Arendt and Martin Heidegger. Philosophy, modernity and education (American edition 2019). The thesis of this lecture (and the book) is that Arendt’s answer to Heidegger’s philosophy, intelligible only within the wide context of both thinkers’ struggles with the philosophical tradition of the West, also opens up a new horizon of conceptualizing the relationship between philosophy and education. This enterprise begins with a critical reconstruction of concepts that traditionally connected education to philosophy. Thereafter, it is a development of Arendt’s thesis of the broken thread of tradition, situated in the wider context of Heideggerian philosophy and his entanglement with Nazism, and consequently, it questions the traditional relationship between philosophy and education. In the final parts of this book returns the problem of dialogue between philosophy, thinking, and university education in times whose political and ethical framework is no longer determined by the continuity of tradition, but the caesura of 20th‑century totalitarianism.
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Nieomal cztery dekady temu mój poznany na solidarnościowym strajku, ogromnie życzliwy kolega zadzwonił z informacją, że do Krakowa przyjechał prof. Zbigniew Pełczyński z Oksfordu, aby rekrutować przyszłych stypendystów. Mam się z nim koniecznie skontaktować i pokazać mu moją prowadzoną od kilku lat korespondencję z Isaiahem Berlinem.
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The article aims at describing affirmatively a symmetrist — that is someone who transcends the usual polarized scheme of political debate in Poland — as a contemporary Callicles from Plato’s dialogue Gorgias and as a heir of the creative romantic individualism, the tradition which enjoins the love of the self with the love and activity directed at the nation‑state. Like Callicles, the symmetrist does not think he/she needs to obtain any permission to speak from one of the polarized tribes — from “the many”. Instead, the symmetrist, as if nothing has happened, takes his/her right to speak “as Heracles drove off Geryon’s cattle on the ground that this is what’s just by nature”. In the second half of the article, the author — by means of an analysis of Karl Popper’s and Józef Tischner’s works — indicates that both sides of the Polish political and philosophical polarization (Catholic conservatism and tolerantionist, cosmopolitan liberalism) treat such a romantic participant as their worst enemy. In this context, the figure of a liberal skeptic becomes identical with the figure of the priest from Adam Mickiewicz’s fourth part of Forefathers’ Eve, who preaches Gustaw — the young man with a restless heart, situated between lightness and darkness — by suggesting the Church’s rigidity as the only recipe for life: “Do you know the Gospel?”. Then Gustaw responds rhetorically: “Do you know misfortune?”. This is when he is speaking about his unfulfilled love for a girl, but not only. In the next (despite the numeration), third part of Forefathers’ Eve we know that the protagonist also seeks to repair the political community, to change it into a fortunate song.
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Hannah Arendt temeljito je poznavala Nietzscheovo djelo i s njim se trajno bavila. Nietzsche svakako ulazi u kanon filozofa o kojima je najviše pisala – ovi drugi su Aristotel, Augustin, Kant, Machiavelli i Marx, kao i u manjem opsegu Platon, Hegel i Descartes.
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The nature of the relationship between the state structures that administer power regardless of its political determination and the ideological actions of political actors is not a very frequent topic, this is because it is considered that there is no reaction of public institutions and authorities to the actions of politicians or that the relationship between the two levels of power is easy to harmonize. Political action and the institutions of power are, as a rule, seen together as part of the dialog with the public of politics, that is citizens or more precisely civil society. Our approach highlights a less visible or commented aspects, that of the dialogue between „political power” and „administrative power”, in other words, between the political formula of the government and the „deep state”, the latter more or less consolidated, having as a determining variable the age and quality of democracy.
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Interview with Alain Finkielkraut by Petar Popović.
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Pitanje o odnosu između filma i politike u svoj svojoj oštrini najprije se bilo postavilo u okviru pokreta Maja 1968. i u godinama koje su uslijedile. Radilo se o tome da se promisli i prakticira politički film ne samo kao film s političkim sadržajem, nego film koji bi na politički način preispitao, doveo do krize, svoje uvjete proizvodnje, svoj sustav pisma i svoju ideologiju koju je pretpostavljao. To je ono što smo mi zvali »politikom«: angažman koji se ne odnosi samo na ono što redatelj »želi reći«, nego na historijske i političke uvjete koji organiziraju samu mogućnost snimanja filmova. Drugim riječima, mi smo snažno kritizirali »fikcije ljevice« (Costa Gavras, Tavernier). Danas, međutim, tridesetak godina kasnije, neophodno je konstatirati da svaki put kada govorimo o »političkome filmu« zapravo govorimo o »fikciji ljevice«. Zatvoreni smo u kulturu sadržaja; forme, sistemi pisanja, danas kao da više nemaju nikakvu vrijednost, osim dekorativne. Jednom riječju, kao politički dizajn. Da, postoji u Francuskoj i u svijetu politički film, ali to je uvijek film koji se suprotstavlja dominantnom novinarstvu (film dossier, magazin poput Svijet po Bushu ili Fahrenheit 9/11). Informacija kao roba-spektakl preuzela je televiziju, namećući svoje razmrvljeno i rasplinuto pismo, blisko glazbenim spotovima i reklami.
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