Rosi Braidotti, The Posthuman
review of: Rosi Braidotti, The Posthuman. Malden: Polity Press, 2013, 229 s. [zawiera bibliografię i indeks]. ISBN: 978-0-7456-6997-7 [Kindle Edition]
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review of: Rosi Braidotti, The Posthuman. Malden: Polity Press, 2013, 229 s. [zawiera bibliografię i indeks]. ISBN: 978-0-7456-6997-7 [Kindle Edition]
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The main aim of this article is to pose and consider the following question: Does the reasoning that led to Kripkenstein’s sceptical paradox undermine all versions of materialism, including nonreductive materialism? First, I present other versions of materialism in the philosophy of mind. Then I point out that, according to nonreductive materialists, one can neither define mental properties in terms of physical properties nor derive psycho‑physical laws from the laws of physics. The presently‑understood thesis of materialism is confined by the following claim: the same distribution of physical properties entails the same distribution of mental properties. In other words, the mental properties supervene upon physical properties. This account then leads to the following formulation of the main question: Assuming that Kripkenstein is right, do mental properties supervene upon physical properties? Taking into account that answering this question requires a discussion of the notions of supervenience and Kripkenstein’s paradox, I devote two parts of my paper to these topics. The conclusion which I reach is as follows: If the reasoning that led to Kripkenstein’s paradox is correct, mental properties can only globally supervene upon physical properties, and consequently no version of materialism can be empirically justified.
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In the book Heidegger and the myth of a Jewish world conspiracy, Peter Trawny convincingly shows that anti-Semitism in Heidegger’s thought does not have the shape of the Nazi call for racial discrimination, but rather is a stereotypical and unfortunate element of Heidegger’s call for a transformation of thinking so that philosophy and the human attitude to life would be focused on Being itself (Seyn selbst) instead of beings (Seiendes). Despite the advantages of Trawny’s book, I think that Trawny unlawfully tries to demonstrate that antiSemitism is the main ethical and political problem of Heideggerian philosophy, while in my opinion the main problem is Heidegger’s “being-historical Manichaeism” — a phenomenon which is only marginally evoked by Trawny. This Manichaeism brings Heidegger to criticize the values of human subjectivity, personality and social and economic self-security as the enemies of Being. These views not only can have severe political collectivist implications, but — to put it in the terminology of Sein und Zeit — they also make Heidegger speak in the manner of the conservative variant of “idle talk” (Gerede) of “the they” (das Man).
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Publikując Tractatus Politico Philosophicus: Traktat polityczno filozoficzny w Polce, sądziłem, że zostanie on lepiej zrozumiany i życzliwiej przyjęty. Tym należy tłumaczyć serdeczność i otwartość, z jaką dzieliłem się egzemplarzami książki. Do filozofii dochodziłem stopniowo. Pierwszymi moimi studiami była elektronika. Kolejne studia na Katolickim Uniwersytecie Lubelskim, chociaż ciekawe z uwagi na środowisko, nie były jeszcze przełomowe. Cechą istotną filozofii jest oryginalność twórcza. Przełom filozoficzny dokonuje się wtedy, kiedy ma się świadomość dochodzenia do swoich własnych myśli. W moim przypadku takim przełomem był twórczy okres spędzony na Katolickim Uniwersytecie Ameryki w Waszyngtonie. Świadectwem tego okresu jest krótki esej The wisdom of love, nawiązujący do fragmentu 35 Empedoklesa, oraz artykuł: A point of reconciliation between Schopenhauer and Hegel. Obydwie prace ukazały się w poważnych pismach przed ukończeniem mojej pracy doktorskiej, którą kontynuowałem na Uniwersytecie Oksfordzkim i którą uwieńczyła książka The presocratics in the thought of Martin Heidegger (Berno–Oxford–Warsaw: Peter Lang, 2016).
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In choosing this subject, I have subscribed to the assumption that political history takes turns, not unlike the alternating rhythms of social change. It turns from faith to the mirage of earthly salvation; from an eschatological war to the susceptibility toward acquiescence; and from ideological animation to the cynical contests for power and one’s own self‑seeking interests. According to this premise, the ideo‑political construction of a liberal micro‑history is curtailed by the growth and withering — the ebb and flow — of the proclivity to freedom.
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Debates / Debaty: Prof. Paweł Kłoczowski, Prof. Aleksander Smolar, Prof. Marcin Król, Prof. Andrzej Waśkiewicz, Prof. Katarzyna Haremska, Prof. Piotr Bartula, Anna Czepiel and Prof. Beata Polanowska‑Sygulska.
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W jakim kierunku zmierza Zachód, a wraz z nim Polska? Dlaczego stabilna dotychczas liberalna demokracja, która miała być politycznym kresem historii, finałem długiej drogi ludzkości ku ustrojowi idealnemu, na naszych oczach bywa kwestionowana? Dlaczego ład, który miał w pełni zaspokajać wszystkie potrzeby natury ludzkiej, jest krytykowany i jawnie odrzucany? Przecież trwa gospodarcza prosperity, poziom nierówności, przynajmniej w Europie, jest na, jak się wydaje, akceptowalnym poziomie. Nie grozi nam żadna konkretna wojna ani ekspansja jakiegoś określonego totalitaryzmu. Społeczeństwa zachodnie żyją na wysokim poziomie, w pokoju, w otoczeniu przewidywalnych partnerów.
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W dobrym tonie jest dziś obwinianie racjonalności, którą uznaje się za przyczynę wszelkiego zła przytłaczającego współczesne społeczeństwa, przemocy ze strony państwa wobec szerzenia się braku kultury, świata koncentrującego się na niszczeniu zasobów naturalnych, indywidualnej alienacji względem zbiorowej rezygnacji. Nie chodzi tu o odrzucenie takiego poglądu, o odrzucenie, które na tych kilku stronach sprowadziłoby się do przeciwstawienia zbytnim uproszczeniom innych uproszczeń, nie mniej nadmiernych. Nie chodzi też o opowiedzenie się za rozumem oraz o wychwalanie cnót tego odwiecznego boga, ponieważ formułuje się wobec niego zarzuty i przybiera na sile wrzawa, która zewsząd domaga się uzupełnienia duszy. Chodzi tu o pewną spekulację, to znaczy działanie dziennikarskie, ponieważ okazuje się, że dziennikarstwo idei stało się głównym miejscem rozkwitu słowotoku metafizycznego.
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In the beginning, the traditional model of labour is related to the traditional aim and ideal of a good life. The reason is to emphasise that philosophy has to solve the problem of the possibility to generalise the model of a creative and pleasant life. Therefore the goal of the paper is twofold. The first is to question the necessity of labour from the standpoint of the rebel thinking transfigured into the literature of laziness as an alternative to the ancient tradition of hard working. The other is to mention some present philosophical theories about cognitive labour. By asserting the fundamental changes in the regime of work opened up by the new industrial revolution which began more than thirty years ago, a mere conclusion would be that the present philosophy still has a big duty toward this crucial and obviously open problem.
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Although philosophy has bemm seen for a long time as a privileged field of the spirit, today it is considered useful only for the formation of the humanist general culture, which, given that society is mainly oriented towards the practical side, is no longer a priority. However, beyond the speculative dimension, philosophy also has a practical, applied side, derived from the first, which society is not aware of. Starting from these general premises, the article highlights some of the current functions of philosophy, able to configure its specific mission in contemporary society, without which this cannot find its balance. Finally, the author launches to the philosophical community and to all decision-makers in Romania a series of concrete proposals, the implementation of which would transform the philosophical education in our country into one of the most powerful tools for consolidating democracy and development economic and social.
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The aim of this paper is to offer a presentation and an analysis of the conservative political conception as embraced by Mihai Eminescu, who is known mostly as a Romanian national poet, rather than as a political thinker and ideologue. For the analysis of Mihai Eminescu’s political vision, the paper is based on the volume “political writings” (scrieri politice), more precisely on the articles “studies on the situation”, “the upper classes”, “the superimposed blanket”, “the theory of work compensation”, “real and fictitious progress” and “«timpul» and the peasant problem” (“studii asupra situației”, “clasele superioare”, “pătura superpusă”, “teoria compensației muncei”, “progresul real șI cel fictiv” and “«timpul» șI problema țărănească”), published between 1880 and 1882.
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Review of: Fermín A. Rodríguez. Señales de vida: literatura y neoliberalismo. Villa María: Eduvim, 2022, 436 pp.
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The article explores the architecture and town planning applied in the case study of the new mining town of Arsia (1937) in the political, social and cultural context of the 1930s, highlighting the debate between modernism and tradition. It examines the aspects of social policies in architectural design, urban planning and environmental transformation, focused on architecture as both instrument and medium. By placing building programs in historical and multidisciplinary perspective, the aim is to offer a critical re-reading of the relations, actors and vehicles of the political context. Special attention is given to the complexity and contradiction of architectural culture over the historical timespan from the 1930s to the post-socialist transition.
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The author recommends that any consideration of the issue of nation and nationalism should be preceded by a careful analysis of the terminology used. He points out that the key term 'nation' itself should be used in the knowledge that it refers, on the one hand, to a specific large group of citizens – members of a nation, but also to an abstract value community of culture. He critically rejects the thoughtless use of the term 'nationalism', which forgets that it is derived from the term 'nation'. This is a dangerous distortion, especially when applied to non-European realities. A nation is originally a specifically European phenomenon, that is to say, a community that grows out of the old cultural and ideological resources of European countries. If the globalised term nationalism is used retrospectively to analyse the history or present of European nations, there is a danger of distortion and misunderstanding. Just as distorting, however, can be the analysis of non-European 'nations' in the coordinates of the European nation. In conclusion, the author points out that the humanistic and motivational values of the European nation from the time of its formation are largely an empty phrase for contemporary nations. The reason for this, however, lies not only in terminological confusion, but also in the great transformation of value norms as a result of the neoliberal questioning of national values and identities that is being promoted in the context of advancing globalisation.
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One of the key texts to understand modern international relations and geopolitics can be found in Zbigniew Brzezinski's book Between Two Ages. The Role of America in the Technotronic Age. He outlines a kind of sketch of what the global world will look like, affirming the necessity of its birth due to technological development and historical progress. Globalization leads to the instauration of a global city, the result of the necessary progress of mankind. This process will make it possible to fulfill the promises Marxism failed to make true. Globalization and its tool, which is geopolitics, is a utopian rebuilding of the world according to the view of a technocratic elite, a transnational elite, which brings about planetary consciousness. Geopolitics is in the contemporary world an effort to establish a worldwide, freedom-stifling tyranny.
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Hannah Arendt temeljito je poznavala Nietzscheovo djelo i s njim se trajno bavila. Nietzsche svakako ulazi u kanon filozofa o kojima je najviše pisala – ovi drugi su Aristotel, Augustin, Kant, Machiavelli i Marx, kao i u manjem opsegu Platon, Hegel i Descartes.
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Malo je tema u opusu Hane Arendt koje su privukle toliko pažnje kao njezina analiza opasnosti sadržanih u nesposobnosti Adolfa Eichmanna da misli. Eichmann je pokazao ono što je Arendt opisala kao banalnost zla, jednu novu vrstu zla koje nije nastalo iz čudovišnih ili demonskih pobuda već zbog nepromišljenosti (Arendt, 2006., str. 54).1 A ipak, premda je Eichmann učinio razvidnim neodložnu potrebu da moramo razmišljati, stručnjaci se spore oko toga je li Arendt uspješno pokazala da razmišljanje kao takvo ima neku ulogu u sprječavanju zlodjela (Bernstein, 2000.; Biser, 2014.; Formosa, 2016.). Namjeravam drugačije preusmjeriti ove rasprave iznova razmatrajući njezinu kritičku recepciju Martina Heideggera u The Life of the Mind s obzirom na njezinu tezu da se mišljenje mora shvatiti u kontekstu potrage za smislom, a ne istinom (Arendt, 1978., sv. 1, str. 15).2 Razrađujući njezino isticanje smisla na taj način, pokazujem da je u mišljenje uvela kritičku sposobnost razdvajanja, sposobnost za koju je smatrala da ne postoji kod Heideggera i koja pomaže da se njezina koncepcija o mišljenju prepozna u njenoj sposobnosti da intervenira u opasnost od nepromišljenosti.
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The nature of the relationship between the state structures that administer power regardless of its political determination and the ideological actions of political actors is not a very frequent topic, this is because it is considered that there is no reaction of public institutions and authorities to the actions of politicians or that the relationship between the two levels of power is easy to harmonize. Political action and the institutions of power are, as a rule, seen together as part of the dialog with the public of politics, that is citizens or more precisely civil society. Our approach highlights a less visible or commented aspects, that of the dialogue between „political power” and „administrative power”, in other words, between the political formula of the government and the „deep state”, the latter more or less consolidated, having as a determining variable the age and quality of democracy.
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Interview with Alain Finkielkraut by Petar Popović.
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Pitanje o odnosu između filma i politike u svoj svojoj oštrini najprije se bilo postavilo u okviru pokreta Maja 1968. i u godinama koje su uslijedile. Radilo se o tome da se promisli i prakticira politički film ne samo kao film s političkim sadržajem, nego film koji bi na politički način preispitao, doveo do krize, svoje uvjete proizvodnje, svoj sustav pisma i svoju ideologiju koju je pretpostavljao. To je ono što smo mi zvali »politikom«: angažman koji se ne odnosi samo na ono što redatelj »želi reći«, nego na historijske i političke uvjete koji organiziraju samu mogućnost snimanja filmova. Drugim riječima, mi smo snažno kritizirali »fikcije ljevice« (Costa Gavras, Tavernier). Danas, međutim, tridesetak godina kasnije, neophodno je konstatirati da svaki put kada govorimo o »političkome filmu« zapravo govorimo o »fikciji ljevice«. Zatvoreni smo u kulturu sadržaja; forme, sistemi pisanja, danas kao da više nemaju nikakvu vrijednost, osim dekorativne. Jednom riječju, kao politički dizajn. Da, postoji u Francuskoj i u svijetu politički film, ali to je uvijek film koji se suprotstavlja dominantnom novinarstvu (film dossier, magazin poput Svijet po Bushu ili Fahrenheit 9/11). Informacija kao roba-spektakl preuzela je televiziju, namećući svoje razmrvljeno i rasplinuto pismo, blisko glazbenim spotovima i reklami.
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