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U ovom tekstu raspravljaću o »balkanističkom stereotipu« i nekim ideološkim mehanizmima koji se oslanjaju na njega, a na osnovu jednog izbora iskaza, uglavnom uzetih iz mas-medija na slovenačkom i hrvatskom jeziku. Analizirani materijal je izabran intuitivno, zbog njegove paradigmatske, to jest, strukturne vrednosti.
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Ne bi trebalo da nas zavede paradoks, naime, da nacionalisti tvrde da su njihove nacije ukorenjene u drevnosti i da su očigledno prirodne, kada su one, u stvari, sasvim skorašnje nove i neobične konstrukcije. U jednom od svojih poslednjih intervjua, koji je dao Đankarlu Bosetiju (Bosetti) (1993), Karl Poper (Popper) se zalagao za intervenciju u Bosni i za primenu principa »rat ratu« prema terorizmu koji je počeo da se širi u regionu bivše Jugoslavije posle pada komunizma.
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Dana 30. juna 2001. godine, po prvi put u istoriji Beograda, održana je gay parada. Neočekivano, međutim, učesnike parade dočekalo je nasilje – na ulicama su ih napali njihovi sugrađani koji su gay paradu smatrali sramotom za »srpski narod«. Policija je bila pozvana da zaštiti učesnike, ali umesto zaštite – mnogi su bili prebijeni i povređeni. Ovaj esej posvećen je svim učesnicima gay parade – žrtvama policijskog nasilja i nasilja njihovih sugrađana.
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Na poslednjim stranicama knjige Izvori totalitarizma, Hana Arent sumira svoju užasnu priču o erupciji totalitarizma u dvadesetom veku. Ona izjavljuje: Sasvim je u skladu sa čitavom našom filozofskom tradicijom to što ne možemo da pojmimo »radikalno zlo«; ovo važi i za hrišćansku teologiju, koja je čak i đavolu dala nebesko poreklo, i za Kanta, jedinog filozofa koji je, skovavši izraz »radikalno zlo«, morao makar da pretpostavi njegovo postojanje, mada ga je odmah racionalizovao u predstavi o »izopačenoj zloj volji«, koja bi se dala objasniti razumljivim motivima. Tako mi, dakle, nemamo nikakvu potporu kada pokušavamo da razumemo fenomen koji nas suočava sa nadmoćnom stvarnošću i koji ruši sva nama poznata merila. Samo se jedna stvar čini jasnom: možemo reći da se radikalno zlo pojavilo zajedno sa sistemom u kom su svi ljudi postali podjednako suvišni. Manipulatori ovog sistema veruju u sopstvenu suvišnost koliko i u suvišnost svih drugih, a totalitarni dželati su tim opasniji što ne haju za to da li su i sami živi ili mrtvi, da li su ikada živeli ili možda nikada nisu ni rođeni. Fabrike leševa i pećine zaborava opasne su zato što se danas, sa sve većom prenaseljenošću i sa sve većim brojem beskućnika, mase ljudi stalno smatraju suvišnima, bar sa strogo utilitarnog stanovišta. Političke, društvene i ekonomske tendencije širom sveta su u dosluhu sa totalitarnim institucijama koje služe tome da ljude učine suvišnima.
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Hana Arent se ponekad smatra važnim izvorom ili nadahnućem savremene komunitarne političke misli. U tom shvatanju postoji izvesna mera istine, ali misliti o njenoj političkoj teoriji kao izrazito komunitarnoj više je nego pogrešno. Jer, ono što karakteriše komunitarizam kao filosofsko osporavanje liberalizma jeste njegovo naglašavanje toga kako se sopstvo konstituiše kroz kolektivni ili grupni identitet, kao i argument da nedovoljna pažnja prema snazi zajedničkih identiteta obeležava središnji nedostatak liberalno-individualističkih koncepcija političke zajednice.
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Čini se da je karika koja nedostaje, a koja povezuje mladalačke tekstove Hane Arent sa njenim kasnijim, slavnim delima o totalitarizmu, upravo shvatanje ljudskog života kao političkog delovanja koja se otkriva u jeziku neke pripovesti ∞une histoire≤ (story i history). Pre nego što pročitamo njene zrele tekstove, potrebno je, dakle, da se pozabavimo onim što nam izgleda kao apologija pripovedanja kod Hane Arent, a što dijagonalno preseca čitavo njeno istraživanje.
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This article focuses on an analysis and evaluation of the importance of Marx’s theory may have for Derrida. First, it is argued that the deconstructive reading of Marx’s texts is to be seen as the way toward the articulation of the politics and ethics in Derrida’s work. Second, the article maintains that the interpretation of Marx’s critical theory depends on the Derrida’s dealings with Levinas. I emphasize especially the significance of the phenomenology in this context, in fact, the importance of the Derrida’s dealing with the phenomenology of otherness. Third, I critically analyse in particular the concepts of absolute hospitality and messianistic coming. The conclusion is the next: Marx is, nolens volens, treated in Derrida in the light of the contradiction between ethics and politics.
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With a synergy between UN agencies, governments and global civil society sector that managed to build a number of international institutions of criminal justice in the 1990s and the challenges to this commitment in the 2000s, in this paper we ask about sustainability and viable mechanisms to support the work of international courts. Do we in present conditions have a general responsibility to support these institutions even as by-standers to distant conflicts, as opposed to specific responsibilities to our political communities that are protagonists in conflict? We address this question through an examination of Jacques Derrida’s texts that discuss transitional justice issues including the concepts of forgiveness, responsibility, cosmopolitanism and its relation to international institutions. The effort to create a new language of solidarity of global publics in support of international justice, as a sole mechanism securing sustainability of its institutions, following Derrida, will have to seek a significant role for the exercise of philosophy in this project.
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The author re-examines so-called “normativity problem” in the light of some Derrida’s provisional definitions of the concept of deconstruction. Alleged unbreakable connection between the elementary Derridian conception and the concept of normativity here is criticized with help of “open question argument”.
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For Derrida, the force is a constitutive factor of the law and violence is its phenomenological aspect. As force is not legitimate in the field of subject’s activity, it subsists only in field of generality as condition and reason in the same time, and closes the circle “against” and the circle of “negation” of the non-justice of the essence of sovereign violence.
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As some other new notions and phenomena such as clash of civilizations and bioethics, notions post-communism, multiculturalism and globalization has become known only quite recently, during the last decade of the 20th Century. The term post-communism contains the prefix ‘post’ which implies rather negative definition of a global society which comes ‘after communism’, or something which is ‘no-longer-communist-but-notyet- anything-else’. On the other hand, the concept post-communism is one of the current waves of various post-isms which define the contemporary epoch in a negative sense: post-modernism or post-modernity, post-industrialism or post-industrial society, post-capitalism, post-historicism or the end of history etc.
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Like some other new notions and phenomena such as multiculturalism, clash of civilizations, bioethics, the term globalization has become known only quite recently. The terms “globalize” and “globalism” were coined in a treatise published sixty years ago. Although the noun “globalization” first appeared in a Webster’s Dictionary of American English in 1961, as recently as to the mid-1980s, words such as “global”, “globality”, “globalization” and “globalism”, as well as concepts of “global market” or “global ecology” were virtually unknown. Before the last decades of the twentieth century, discussions of world affairs nearly always invoked the vocabulary of “international” rather than “global” relations. Although an Americanism in the first instance, during the last two decades notions of globalization have quickly spread across dozens of other languages. The recent popularity of this new term resulted with numerous controversial definitions of globalization. In normative terms, some people have associated “globalization” with progress, prosperity and peace. For others, however, the word has conjured up deprivation, disaster and doom. No one is indifferent, but many are confused.
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In the debate on ‘globalisation’ and politics, two concepts have become ubiquitous: ‘global civil society’ and ‘global governance’. Let us attempt to determine a definition of each term and then progress to a discussion of democracy in relation to these institutional forms of social action.
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Athens in the classical period of Hellenic history was by far the most developed city of Helena, and its democratic system of making important decisions in the Assembly as well as their implementation, was a role model not only in the Hellenic world. Aristotle does not follow his teacher Plato nor Xenophon who do not discern difference between the system of government in the household and the polis. Polis is the community of equal people where relationships create free citizens who are also representatives of their own households, families or the territorial units (topics). Aristotle in the Rhetoric shares laws into general (natural) and specific, those which individual nations defined to themselves and for themselves which could be written and unwritten. Constitution of Athens is the only surviving piece of the rich Hellenic and legal history. In the following lines we will try to explain what this work contains and why it is important even nowadays after two and a half millennia.
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Review of: Lev Kreft - Dvjesto godina Friedricha Engelsa Goran Gretić -Dvjesto godina Friedricha Engelsa Zvonko Posavec -Dvjesto godina Friedricha Engelsa
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Democracy represents the engine of societal evolution from an economic and legal standpoint but with a profound impact on the psycho-emotional relationships between individuals engaged in the mechanisms of communal life. Inherent to human beings is only natural right, that ensemble of harmoniously related and innate principles to man, a system that finds its origin in the a priori space of ontological nature. The majority of constitutions pertaining to free states affirm democracy as the sole instrument capable of providing citizens with freedom of conscience, expression, opinion, and last but not least, the decency of life as the primary condition for lifelong education and cultural refinement. This article explores the intricate relationship between democracy, natural law, moral consciousness, and individual autonomy, emphasizing their interconnected roles in developing a just and equitable society.
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