Koncepcia fašizmu a antifašizmu ako sofistikovaná súčasť mocenskej stratégie Ruskej federácie

Author(s): Martin Solik,Vladimír Baar / Language(s): Slovak Issue: 1/2019

Phenomenon of non-military power in international relations theory has been quite intensively investigated in recent years in the form of soft and smart power, which effectively combines soft and hard power. These concepts of power were introduced by Joseph S. Nye, a prominent American professor in international relations at Harvard University. However this research rather reflected these type of powers in the Western or liberal perception. Specifics of the smart power (and its tools) in the perception of non-Western and illiberal countries such as China, Russian federation or Turkey have been developed only in a few specialized studies. Most of the researchers within the frame of international relations could not imagine attractive soft power tools and effective smart power tools in Russia´s foreign policy. For this reason was drawn this study. Russia’s renewed influence has caused strategic paralysis in the West. The root cause is a failure to understand the true nature of Russian smart power, which, as a unique adaption of J. S. Nye’s original theory, enables Russian strategists to manipulate their adversaries—seemingly at will. The aim of this study is to explain how Russian smart power uses deception to disrupt the awareness of its target, create opportunities to apply coercion, and legitimize its attractive soft power. Concretely the study analyze the conceptions of fascism and anti-fascism that have become a sophisticated part of the Russian complex smart power and presents how this form of the power works. In this study are presented specific instruments promoting anti-fascist Russian smart power abroad. Success or failure of this form of the power is subsequently evaluated in the conclusion.

Odvojeni stolovi: škole i sekte u političkoj znanosti

Author(s): Gabriel A. Almond / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 04/1988

Over the past few decades the stale of the art in political science, after a relatively homogeneous historical development, has been characterized by the polarization and opposition of different theoretical trends, schools and sects. This polarization can he illustrated along two dimensions: the ideological and the methodological one. Along the ideological dimension the extremes are the left and the right, while along the methodological dimension the two poles are represented by the advocates of hard and soft methods. Nevertheless, the majority of political scientists take a central position between these extremes avoiding ideological bias and methodological exclusivity. It is just this central position that should exert a stronger influence on the atmosphere within, and the development of political science since the interpretations about the state of the art in this discipline provided by the extreme schools of thought have neither professional nor scientific legitimacy.

Policy analiza: znanstveno savjetovanje politike

Author(s): Adrienne Windhoff-Heritier / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 04/1988

There has been a traditional distinction between policy analysis as a knowledge about a political process (scientific goal) and a knowledge for a political process (applied political goal). This latter goal is realized through consulting activity of policy analysis whereby they provide analytical information intended for each phase of the policy cycle: problem definition and goal selection; presentation of the alternative methods for the realization of these goals; assessment of the prospects for the realization of the solutions suggested and checking the success of the programmes realized. Specific analytical methods and models are associated with each of these phases. Consultancy oriented policy analysis presupposes not only problem oriented knowledge of specific policies but also the fundamental knowledge of political science.

Однос политике и стратегије: реафирмација стратегијских студија?

Author(s): Slobodan M. Radojević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 4/2018

The paper draws attention of the scientific and professional public to the importance of studying the strategy and renewing strategic studies. The author starts from the hypothesis that the strategy is inextricably linked to politics and that the study, proper interpretation and application of the principles and tenets of this science and skill is a line of survival, as well as the prosperity and national uprising of the states. In this paper, the author point of view is that strategy is a science and the skill of using the achieved victories to accomplish the policy objectives. The strategy is very old and actually exists from the first conflicts and wars. Most of basic principles of strategy was developed in the 18th and 19th century in works of Henry Lloyd, Antoine-Henry Jomini, Carl von Clausewitz, Helmuth Von Moltke and others. Our military and scientific thought followed the development of the strategy in works of Stanojlo Stokic, Jovan Andjelkovic, Zivojin Misic and others. In 20th century Liddell Hart, Raoul Castex, Edward Mead Earle and André Beaufre among others contributed to the development of a modern strategy. This significance of strategies has been maintained for more than two millennia, towards the modern age, when it became polistrategy and spilled over into many spheres of society. The paper present theoretical framework of the strategy and great strategies, their factors and the sphere (field) of application. A great strategy is portrayed as the highest type of strategy that aligns and directs all resources of the state and thus ensures its survival in international relations. Edward Mead Earle, Liddell Hart and Paul Kennedy define that grand strategy combines military activities with other forms of policy (diplomacy, national will, morality, and political culture, economic resources, industry, finance, labor power and wealth) in order to maximise a community’s chances for success in war and peace. Synergy and permeation of strategy, great strategy and politics in peace and war were presented. The paper also graphically and geometrically depicts the relation of politics, great strategy, strategy and peace and war. The author concludes that the strategy, the great strategy and the politics are closely linked, and that the decision-makers and commanders have to know their relations and legality in detail. Also, the author emphasizes the need to study strategic studies and points to their renewal in the future. Namely, according to the author’s opinion, in the light of the “accelerated” international relations in which conflicts, wars and interventions are more frequent, strategic studies are tasked to illuminate numerous issues of the use of military and non-military forces. Strategic studies are an inter-disciplinary field of study, which examines the ways in which military power and other coercive instruments may be used to achieve political aims. In fact, the effects of strategic studies on the external world may be greater than that achieved of many other social sciences. In the development of the model of new strategic studies in the Republic of Serbia, the University of Defense could play a central role in cooperation with the University of Belgrade, as well as other governmental and non-governmental institutes and organizations. The Republic of Serbia has numerous academic and professional staff from the areas to deal with new strategic studies.

Teorija zastupanja alternativnih interesa u novim društvenim pokretima

Author(s): Klaus von Beyme / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 01/1986

On the whole, new social movements could be generally classified as belonging to the trade union model of interest representation. There are three main features which are usually attributed to the new movements: (a) anti parliamentarian ism, (b) antilegalistic resort to unconventional behaviour and (c) belief in the transformation of the society by introducing a new, decentralized socialist system. The possibility to formulate a new consistent theory of interest mediation greatly depends on the prospects of the movement as a political force. There are various theoretical explanations for this, of which the author mentions four kinds: the conventional interpretation which classifies the new movement as one of the causes of the split within western societies; a three-stage evolutionism, which sees a new paradigm of postmaterialism and of the way of life in new social movements as a substitute for the preceding behaviour patterns; Inglehart’s theory of the silent revolution; the theory of generational cycles.

Što je preostalo od društva i države? O mišljenju političkoga i politike Davora Rodina i Zvonka Posavca

Author(s): Žarko Paić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 03/2017

Davor Rodin PRIJEĐENI PUTEVI Fakultet političkih znanosti

ЈЕДАН ПРИЛОГ РАЗМАТРАЊА ПОЈМА ПОЛИТИЧКОГ СИСТЕМА

Author(s): Zoran Atanacković / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 17/1977

Dans cette contribution, consacrée à l'examen de la notion du- système po-litique, l'auteur prend en considération, en premier lieu, l'origine et la significati¬on du terme système politique, en s'efforçant de se rapproche par la conception de ce terme à la compréhension de l'essence de la notion même. Selon son opi¬nion, les différences dans 1 a définition de cette notion coïncident principalement avec les différences dans la conception des notions „la politique" et politique¬ment", de sorte qu'à la conception la plus large de la politique, d'après laquelle elle comprend toutes les activités dans la société, correspond aussi la concep¬tion la plus large du système politique- Et inversement, les conceptions qui réduisent la politique à un de ses aspects plus limité, même s'il est d'une grande importance, c'est-à-dire l'identifient — par exemple — avec l'activité des organes du pouvoir ou de l'Etat, mettent un signe d'égalité entre le système politique et l'organisation du pouvoir c'est-à-dire de l'Etat, dans les circonstances de l'oppre¬ssion organisée.Le progrès dans 1 a définition du système politique a pris naissance, selon l'auteur, au moment de la pénétration des méthodes sociologiques dans la science politique, c'est-à-dire au moment que . le système politique a été conçu en tant que système d'interaction, ou en tant que système de rapport réciproque entre le pouvoir et l'Etat d'une part et les autres sphères de la société d'autre part. Le premier essai de plus d'importance de déterminer la notion du système politi¬que en se plaçant sur ces positions se trouve dans l'étude de Gabriel Almondo „The Politics of the Developing Areas", dans laquelle est exposé, entre autres, que „le système politique est le système de l'interaction, qui existe dans toutes les sociétés indépendantes et qui exerce la fonction de l'intégration et de l'ada¬ptation à l'aide du recours ou de la menace à la contrainte physique plus ou mo¬ins légitime.En commentant la conception d'Almondo du système politique l'auteur de cette étude paraphrase l'opinion du professeur Najdan Pasic, d'aprè laquelle le défaut principal de cette conception se trouve dans le fait que l'examen du sy¬stème politique se termine par l'action d'apprendre à connaître sa strusture d'or¬ganisation, et ne traite pas la question de l'origine et de la nature des forces so¬ciales — en premier lieu, des classes — qui agissent par le moyen du mécanisme du système. L'auteur, en outre, reproche à la conception d'Almondo, de même, qu'il est, dans lapartie dite des approches fonctionnelles à l'étude des systèmes et des processus politiques en réalité profondément non scientifique et réactio¬nnaire. Selon son opinion, en effet, le fonctionnalisme, en insistant sur la stabili¬té du système et l'opposition aux changements en tant que phénomènes patho¬logiques (la fonction principale du système est dans l'assurance de l'intégration et la coordination de l'action de toutes ses parties), rejette le matérialisme hi¬storique et sa méthode dialectique matérialiste, et par là même il n'aperçoit pas ou il n'aperçoit pas dans une mesure suffisante les légalités qui sont valables pour la société humaine, telles que — par exemple — la Igalité du rapport entre la base économique et la superstruyture politique, la légalité des classes et de la lutte des classes en tant que promoteur de l'histoire humaine et la légalité du rôle double de l'Etat en tant que représentant de la société et en même temps instrument de la classe gouvernante.Dans la recherche d'une approche marxiste de la définition du système politique l'auteur s'est déterminé en faveur de la définition formulée par le professeur Dordevic et selon laquelle „le système politique indique la forme des rapports politiques fondamentaux existants; plus exactement la forme dans la-quelle s'organise le pouvoir, y compris le rapport de la société, des citoyens à l'égard du pouvoir et inversement". D'après l'opinion de l'auteur, à cette définiti¬on aussi, comme aux définitions analogues, on peut faire certains reproches à cause de son caractère général et en partie de son imprécision. Ainsi, par exem¬ple, on ne voit pas clairement de cette définition si les différentes organisations d'opposition, illégales et antilégales, et dans quelle mesure, sont une partie du système politique. L'imperfection de telles définitions a comme conséquence qu'on introduit dans la théorie la notion de la structure politique qui doit con prendre tant le système politique que les processus et les phénomènes qui dé¬truisent ce système.Dans la deuxième partie de cette contribution l'auteur parle du système politique en tant que matière de la science. Il a particulièrement fixé son atten¬tion sur les tentatives de la séparation de l'expérience et de la théorie dans le cadre de la science politique bourgeoise, c'est-à-dire de la science relative aux systèmes politiques. La socission dans les sciences politiques, selon l'auteur, n'a. pas dépassé jusqu'à présent ni la science politique marxiste car, grâce au révi¬sionnisme stalinien, elle s'est séparée de ses sources et les a chargé de dogmati¬sme et de praticisme. Un des principaux devoir de la pensée marxiste contempo¬raine doit consister, comme l'a conclu l'auteur, justement dans le retour du ca¬ractère théorique à la science politique ainsi qu'à son affranchissement de ,,1'em- pirisme abstrait", c'estHà-dire la quasi-théorie qui a pour but la pratique idéaliy sés d'un système, et même si c'est un système socialiste, d'élever au niveau des principes généraux et de la légalité.

Činjenično i vrijednosno u političkoj znanosti

Author(s): Jovan Mirić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 04/1974

In his critical approach to some of the methodological aspects of Political Science, the author takes as his starting point the theory of the social determinism of scientific thought and from that standpoint shows the apologetic character of so called »scientific naturalism« and »value-free political science«. The false scientific indifference towards values and aims means in fact a certain type of value-judgement — an acceptance of the given as a basic value. »Political facts« are not given as something completely objective independent of the researcher. Of themselves, they say nothing — they gain true »illumination« and meaning »from the outside« — only when we place them against our criteria of value-judgements. Thus, these facts are most often our presentation of then. Or the presentation of other informants — enquirers, witnesses, participants, scientists. Those facts-presentations, are conditioned by the most varied factors: interests, passions, mistakes, prejudices, which all make up the »prismatic mirror« of the observer of »political facts«, who would not be able to observe them »objectively« as things even from a historical perspective, let alone within the living tissue of a social organism of which he himself is a component part. The bases of the theoretical-methodological orientation of certain scientists are a fairly reliable indication of their political leanings. It can therefore be said that everyone’s epistemological credo is first and foremost the expression of his convictions and those of society and only then scientific determinations. The plea for the »value-free« in Political Science, whether it is a case of a firm position or of political mimicry, is a conservative, non-scientific and nonintellectual determination. With the same passion as he approaches his research work with, the Scientist should turn his efforts to social progress in a wider social context, wherever his influence is able to penetrate. Not only will this not destroy the dignity of his scientific work but it will give it true meaning. The determination and engagement of the scientist is not and should not be an ideological manipulation of science, but is a result of scientific perception, the knowledge that society can be changed for the better only through an active relationship. That is a revolutionary, critical, approach in which the value and cognitive components are inseparably intertwined. Revolutionary, critical thought is the truth of revolutionary practice in its totality, and not its individual small »measurable« pieces. In this respect the author subjects to criticism some recent tendencies and methodological orientations in Political Science which can, in fact, be reduced to a positivism of varying sorts: that by means of new techniques instrumental truths are verified as essential. The Political Science of the revolutionary, Marxist type in order to avoid danger, as with those who lie in ambush in the ideo-sphere threatening to bring it down to the level of simple ideology, so with those who are forced upon us by the «obvious nature of political reality«, threatening to turn it into a register of »political facts«, must continually develop a critical relationship towards its own subject. The source and centre theme of such a science must be the revolution, for it asks radically all the questions which are important to Man, which means that it also gives results in »human form«. The truth of such a science, concludes the author, must be the remodeling of the totality of the bourgeois world, with all its »convincing« and »measurable« truths.

O empirijskoj i normativnoj političkoj teoriji

Author(s): Miroslav Vujević / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 04/1974

When the scientific researcher discovers a rule, he does not find himself faced with a dilemma as does the researcher of society. The physicist, for example, on discovering the orbit of an electron around the nucleus of some clement will not worry about whether electrons should orbit in that way or not, whether that is good or bad, etc. The question of how should it be docs not worry him, he is completely satisfied with the answer to the question how is it. And even if the question how should it be arises, let's say. how should the structure of the aluminum atom look, in giving a reply he will be helped by empirical cognition. Thus, the structure of the aluminum atom should be the way we have established that it is, as it is. However, when a researcher of society reaches an empirical cognition, let us say he establishes the way in which self-management works, he can also ask himself, is the information he has obtained good or bad, or, should self-management work in that way or not. The researcher of society does not usually come to a stop with the results he has obtained. He tries to explain the results obtained by giving them a meaning. In explaining empirical facts it is possible to take several different paths. So, for example, it is possible to start from the aims. If the aim of self-management is the participation of all in the making of decisions then the empirical facts which speak of how just a small number of people make decisions, mean that self-management does not work, considering the aims that have been set. However, it is possible to explain empirical facts in relation to a certain theory. For instance, let us suppose that the theory emphasizes the fact that self-management is a long-term path for the introduction of which it is necessary to ensure a large number of pre-conditions; in this case empirical facts which speak of a weaker participation may be explained as being relatively good. It is also possible to explain empirical facts by means of comparison. Information taken from different periods in history may be compared (historical-comparative method), information from different social structures may also be compared and it is also possible to make a comparison of information obtained from the same society. It is usually considered that the discovery of the causes of a certain phenomenon constitutes a true scientific explanation. However, one virtually never remains on one explanation of social phenomena. For example, if we have truly established that self-management is working badly, this represents good empirical facts, but not the reality with which we may be satisfied. An empirical theory should be based on reality. It is a good theory if objective reality and its conceptual interpretation coincide. The evaluation of the position we have reached through empirical research is made on the basis of normative theory. The position which we have, therefore, established is the better, the more it coincides with the aims we have set. Therefore, the evaluation of positions which we have reached through empirical research is pointless before we know what the value of the research itself is.

Sloboda volje i tehnika

Author(s): Karl Heinz Volkmann-Schluck / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 01/1969

Potrebuje li odnos slobode i tehnike uopće još neko razjašnjenje? Nije li već odavno ustanovljeno i ne ustanovljuje li se uvijek iznova, da rastuća vladavina tehnike progresivno ugrožava ljudsku slobodu?

ПОЛИТИЧЕСКА СИСТЕМА НА ВЕНЕЦИАНСКАТА РЕПУБЛИКА (VII – XVIII ВЕК)

Author(s): Zlatka Gerginova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1-2/2018

The article discusses the conditions of creation, the conditions for the flowering and the reasons for the decline of a powerful trading state in the Middle Ages. Built and existed as a republic, Venice represents a unique example of an oligarchic republic with a coherent system of interrelated and interdependent governing bodies that allow it not only to provide prosperity to its inhabitants but also to grow as a strong colonial state, measuring with the two great empires of that time - the Frank in the West and the Byzantine in the East. The causes of the republic’s death are sought after in the changed trade relations between the states after the Great Geographical Discoveries and in the impossibility of Venice to withstand the competition of the new forces in the late Middle Ages - the Ottoman Empire, the Habsburg Empire in Austria and Spain and Napoleon's France.

Propozycje nowych metod dla teorii i praktyki walki z terroryzmem

Author(s): Adam Kwiatkowski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 31/2018

The study is an attempt to show the vision of solving complex international problems and threats related to terrorism. This attempt, although controversial, is a search for unconventional, not always acceptable methods of minimizing the terrorist threat.

Prawicowość młodych Polaków. Kontekst wyborów parlamentarnych z 2015 roku

Author(s): Krystyna Szafraniec,Janusz Grygieńć / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2019

In the article, we analyze political preferences of the young Polish voters who associate themselves with the right side of the political scene. We are interested in the views, attitudes and assessments of socio-political situation before and after parliamentary elections in 2015 that are shared by the young Poles declaring sympathy to the political right or voting for the right-wing parties. What exactly are the right-wing attitudes of the young Polish generation and how do they relate to the definitions of the political right assumed in political science (i.e. as conservative moral views and liberal economic views)? In the article, we propose a theoretical conceptualization of the political right, and then confront it with its popular understanding in Poland. In particular, we focus on the right-wing attitudes of young people, analyze it by reference to the existing data and to the results of our own research carried out in 2016, a year after the last Polish presidential and parliamentary elections. We analyze the electoral behaviours and motivations of the surveyed group, its views on the economy, social issues, the state, collective identity, attitudes to the actions of the political opposition and the independence of the Constitutional Tribunal. The results of the analyses demonstrate that many young voters who voted for the right had formerly been undecided voters seeking political identification. Above all, however, the findings of our research provide the characteristic of the right-wing attitudes of young people, pointing at their liquid, incoherent and exploratory character, possible political turnovers and significance.

Status w stosunkach międzynarodowych

Author(s): Stanisław Bieleń / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3/2018

Status constitutes a sociological and legal category. It can connect with a socialrole, authority, prestige or reputation. It can refer to a position in the social structurein the meaning of the objective access to certain resources, attributes or traits aswell as in the meaning of the subjective perception and assessment of a given placein the social hierarchy. In other words, status means the objective organizationof the rights and privileges of an entity, sometimes guaranteed by the law or willof other entities as well as the subjective awareness of recognition, prestige orbeing respected. In international relations, status is a determinant of states’ rankin the structure of power. It constitutes a resultant of the collective recognitionof the state’s position. To large extent, it has an imaginary character, as it dependson perception or attribution of status to a given state by other participants. Inthe case of Poland, international status constitutes a function of its potential butalso commitment in international processes. The problem in this field, however, isthe dependence on the old geopolitical concepts and external conditions, especiallythe so-called trap of a stronger ally.

Władza a kultura

Author(s): Waldemar J. Wołpiuk / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2019

Authority – even though the title of this paper may suggest so – is not a phenomenon opposing culture. It is actually a product of culture or, as sometimes said, of the achievements of civilisation. Since authority is a product of culture, it may not be treated as a phenomenon isolated from it, without any ties with cultural patterns, which may – as a result – act as determinants of the institutional and functional qualities of authority. Culture and its products (including knowledge, law, religion, morality, etc.), like other social phenomena, can become factors stimulating the exercise of authority, or act as factors to stabilise or curb this exercise within the framework of the patterns (norms) it has created. Societies make constant choices in terms of adopting, modifying, and rejecting various cultural patterns.

Milete min Êzîd. The Uniqueness of the Yezidi Concept of the Nation

Author(s): Artur Rodziewicz / Language(s): English Issue: 27/2018

Both the current increasing nationalistic discourse of the Yezidis and the discussion about their “Kurdishness” result from the growing political significance of the Kurds and the inclusion of the Yezidis into the geopolitical game in the Iraqi Kurdistan region. The paper concerns the traditional Yezidi understanding of their millet, still valid, but starting to change, which is based on the mystical and metaphysical ideas incompatible with the approach preferred by contemporary political science.

Rola kompetencji poznawczych w demokratycznych systemach politycznych

Author(s): Adam Janusz Chmielewski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2019

Taking as the starting the normative ideal of democracy, grounded in an inclusive understanding of the subject point of democracy, the author argues that various concepts of democracy assign particularly important role to cognitive competences and see it as an exclusive entitlement to participate in the exercise of political power in democratic systems. The case in point is contemporary debate on theproper understanding of democracy which focuses on the dilemma between, on the one hand, the ideaof broad participation of the people in the democratic governance, and, on the other, the deliberativeideal which presupposes that power in these systems should be entrusted only to people with appropriatecognitive competences. The author analyzes the main elements of “cognitocratic” or “epistocratic”conceptions and points out to potential perils resulting from the attribution of a prominent role in thetheory of democracy to cognitive competences. In opposition to cognitocratic approaches, both in theiruniversalist and elite versions, the author argues that a more adequate understanding of governance indemocratic systems should instead be based on the wider category of political ability. He also claimsthat a novel definition of this category should be informed by the normative ideal of democracy whichis based on the recognition of potentially universal capabilities to develop the political ability and thatthis potential may in fact be activated through the actual participation in democratic politics.

The Critique of Democracy in the Writings of Nicolás Gómez Dávila (1913 – 1994)

Author(s): Susana Calderón Vizcarra de Kevans / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2016

The Western world is experiencing the "death of God" and is living in a self-proclaimed "postmodern era”, which boasts of "liberating" the human being, thanks to the cult of reason and the rejection of religious dogmas. In the twentieth century, in Latin America; in the heart of Colombia, Nicolás Gómez Dávila lived and thought. The thinker emphasizes the limitations of human reason, in opposition to the modern cult of reason, freedom and the aspiration to build an earthly paradise. The objective of this article is to present this "illustrious unknown", considered by many researchers as one of the most original thinkers of the twentieth century, who played the role of philosopher-writer in the modern world in a unique style; and his critical view of democracy.

Zygmunt Wenda – zarys myśli politycznej

Author(s): Kamil Andrzejczak / Language(s): Polish Issue: 4/2016

Przedmiotem niniejszego opracowania jest analiza myśli politycznej Zygmunta Wendy, jednego z czołowych działaczy (szefa sztabu) Obozu Zjednoczenia Narodowego (OZN) – finalnej formy działalności politycznej sanacji. Jego poglądy najpełniej reprezentowały treść i ducha koncepcji głoszonych przez Obóz Zjednoczenia Narodowego; przez pryzmat postaci Wendy widać dokładnie charakter potencjału ideologicznego tej formacji. W pracy można wyróżnić kilka zasadniczych części. We wstępie przedstawiono cel badań oraz scharakteryzowano wykorzystane materiały i pojęcia. Następnie nakreślono rys biograficzny i osobowy Zygmunta Wendy, wskazując na związki między cechami osobowościowymi a poglądami politycznymi. Kolejny rozdział dotyczy problematyki narodu i mniejszości narodowych w myśli politycznej Wendy; podkreślając odejście od dotychczasowej linii sanacji, ukazano jednocześnie enigmatyczność publicznych wypowiedzi szefa sztabu OZN. W kolejnej części przedstawiono zagadnienie idei wodza, stanowiącej centralny punkt koncepcji politycznej Zygmunta Wendy. Po niej omówiono poglądy gospodarcze reprezentowane przez szefa sztabu ONZ. Kończąca artykuł rekapitulacja stanowi próbę przedstawienia związków myśli Zygmunta Wendy z konkretnymi doktrynami politycznymi. Niniejszy artykuł jest zmodyfikowaną wersją rozdziału pracy magisterskiej obronionej przez autora na Wydziale Prawa i Administracji Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego

Reply to ‘The Political Theory of Political Thinking’

Author(s): Andrzej Waśkiewicz / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2015