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In this paper I want to compare rare theoretical justifications of border walls with discourses on boundaries and walls by Central and Eastern European political actors in dealing with refugee crisis in 2015. I analize three such discourses: consequentialist, discourse of reponsibility for fair distribution of cosmopolitan duties, and nationalistic discourse. This comparison allows me to question аplicability of Wendy Brown’s argument that the states with waning sovereignty display symbols of force in building border walls aimed at defending fragile egos built around national and religious identities. Finally, I want to elucidate what type of political subjectivity is produced and legitimated by these acts of fortification within and around CEE “walled” states.
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In the introductory part of his essay the author explains the existence of more than two parties in Great Britain. Meanwhile, two parties are the most numerous in Parliament and they are far more important than other ones. One of the two parties has, as a rule, majority of representatives in Parliament what makes her possible to constitute its homogeneous government. The other party, having less representatives, makes the opposition. The two parties change each other. This is why we can talk about two-party system: other parties practically never come in position to form their own government.
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Naredne, malobrojne bilješke ni u jednom trenu ne pretendiraju da iscrpno obrade Lenjinovu teoriju i praksu. One samo žele da ukažu, u grubim obrisima, na vezu između njegove teorije i prakse, zbog osjećaja da upravo ta veza nije dovoljno jasno prisutna čak ni u svijesti mnogih komunista.
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In the first chapter under the headline of »Introductory considerations« the author firstly gives a survey of the history of the beginning of political parties in the United States. He observes that constitutionalists as well as the text of the Constitution from 1787 did not foresee the existence of parties. Moreover, in this period there was an open aversion to political fractions which would, according to the then opinion, jeopardize just acquired unity of the nation. Nevertheless these fractions were created very quickly being guided by Hamilton on one side, who was the guide of so-called »federatists«, and on the other side by Madison and Jefferson, who were the guides of so-called »antifederalists«. Political parties in modern sense were created during the time of President Jackson in the thirties o( the last century when the Democratic Party arose, while the Republican Partu arose some time later, in 1854.
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Contemporary unions, the broadest workers’ organization, act under far more complex and various economic, political and some other conditions; they exist and act in capitalistic countries (developed and underdeveloped ones), in socialist countries (in the different phases and conditions of the construction of socialism), in the former colonial countries, in the countries where political orders differ considerably. Therefore they must help the definite economic, social and political movement, because the realization of trade union tasks depends on these factors.
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The title of the article refers to P. Manent’s essay, describing “the return of political philosophy”. Using the distinction between science and art, suggested by thinkers such as J.S. Mill, an analysis was made of the possible responses of legal theory to the so-called “political turn” in social sciences and humanities. Attempts were made to show that transplanting such terms as “politics”, “the political”, “polity” (in the text they function under more theoretically neutral term: “politicalness”) into the field of legal discourse leads to the rejection of the so far dominant (referring to the ideal of Ch. Montesquieu) image of the activity of lawyers as “artisans” practicing the art of law and to replacing it with the image of a lawyer-artist or lawyer-scientist.
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This article explores the relationship between capabilities and political liberalism. There are two views about how they might be compatible: Sen claims capabilities should be seen as a revision of primary goods while Nussbaum argues capabilities should form part of an overlapping consensus. It is argued they are both right—and incorrect. Whereas Sen identifies where compatibility might best be found, it is Nussbaum’s conception of capabilities that is able to overcome Rawls’s objections to Sen’s proposal. This provides a new third way of conceiving how capabilities and political liberalism might address these concerns that is more compelling for how Sen and Nussbaum claim. The two rivals can come together, but not in the way that either of its most well known champions have argued.
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Conspiracy theories ignore the law of parsimony which states that out of two competing explanations, the simple one should be chosen. Yet, some people tend to favor such theories, no matter how contorted their explanations. The present paper will argue that both extrinsic factors (such as conspiracies and lies fabricated by governments, or unpredictable events also known as Black Swans) and intrinsic elements (a innate human need for story-making) play equally important roles in people adhering to conspiracy theories.
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Political theory often raises the question of how to establish an authority that is legitimate, the latter implying that the said authority does not threaten the autonomy of the will of an individual, which, according to modern political theory, is a condition allowing us speak about authority over citizens. Otherwise, we could talk about subjects of that authority, which is not relevant for this paper. In order to preserve the autonomy of the will of an individual, it is necessary that the decision-makers of the authorities voluntarily consent to them. There are different types of consent in political theory and practice, among which are explicit and tacit consent. This paper deals with the phenomenon of tacit consent, more precisely with an analysis of the concept of tacit consent in the doctrines of John Locke and John Rawls.
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The article investigates a new phenomenon in conditions of functioning of the unitary Ukrainian state — formation and transformation of regional political regimes. Like most of the modern states that were formed after the USSR disintegration, Ukraine has influential local elites that essentially influence political and economic processes in the regions and thus form specific regional political regimes. This paper analyses the approaches to theoretical and methodological bases of studying the regional political regimes in transitional unitary states by the example of Ukraine. The authors have outlined the causes of emergence, singled out the conditions for the support of functioning of regional political regimes and determined the parameters of their investigation in Ukraine.
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Review of: Maciej Potz (2020): „POLITICAL SCIENCE OF RELIGION: THEORISING THE POLITICAL ROLE OF RELIGION“ (Palgrave Macmillan, 192 p.). Review by: Alma Džehverović
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Naša tradicija političke misli imala je svoj jasan početak u učenjima Platona i Aristotela. Mislim da je do ne manje jasna svršetka došla u teorijama Karla Marxa. Početak se dogodio kada je Platon u prispodobi o špilji u Državi sferu ljudskih poslova – sve ono što pripada zajedničkom življenju ljudi u zajedničkom svijetu – opisao kao tamu, zabunu i obmanu od kojih se oni koji teže istinskom bitku moraju okrenuti i napustiti ih žele li otkriti vedro nebo vječnih ideja. Svršetak je nastupio s Marxovom objavom da se filozofija i njezina istina ne nalaze izvan života i zajedničkog svijeta ljudi nego upravo u njima te da se mogu »realizirati« samo u sferi zajedničkoga življenja, koju je nazvao »društvo«, s pojavljivanjem »podruštvovljenog čovječanstva (vergesellschaftete Menschen). Filozofija politike nužno implicira filozofov stav prema politici; njezina je tradicija započela filozofovim okretanjem od politike i zatim njegovim povratkom politici kako bi ljudskim poslovima nametnuo svoja mjerila. Svršetak se dogodio kada se filozof okrenuo od filozofije kako bi je »realizirao« u zbilji. Bio je to Marxov pokušaj, izražen prvo u njegovoj odluci (po sebi filozofijskoj) da se odrekne filozofije, i drugo, u nakani da »promijeni svijet« te tako i umove koji filozofiraju, ljudsku »svijest«.
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Place: Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic; Date: 20th-22nd October 2021.
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In this paper, I will refer to a fundamental principle, developed in a chapter dedicated mainly to the relationship between state and citizen in the context of a broader definition, as a result of changes caused by globalization, labor migration and last but not least, Romania’s accession to the European Union, a situation that changed the perspective on the relationship between the subject and the political object. Beyond the statistics that reflect the concrete state of affairs and that change from day to day, in connection with the topic stated above, I consider that the main attribute of the contemporary rule of law as the foundation of a democratic regime is to provide the necessary framework for the respect of human dignity, a principle from which all other civil rights derive. The rule of law is intended for this purpose, for people, for their individual good, which naturally flows from the common good, from the benefits of the rule of law.
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This study deals with the issue of the French State – Church relations, an issue that cannot be understood without taking into account France's historical evolution. French secularism (la laïcité) means a clear separation between the state and religious institutions and involves considering religion as belonging to the strictly private sphere. Although legally codified by the 1905, Separation of Church and State Act and the Constitution of the French Republic, French secularism remains a difficult concept to define, with many developments and variations in its application. The attitude of the French State towards the Churches has changed in time, from a combative, anti-religious secularism (at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century), to an appeased, positive secularism, in the 20th century. This secularism became militant again nowadays, under the pressure of the rapid development of Islamic fundamentalism on French soil. Another challenge brought about by globalization, which France has to face, is determined by the competition of French universalism with American multiculturalism which tends to become predominant in the Western world, a competition which manifests itself also in the field of State-Church relations.
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The model of cooperative leadership is an alternative solution to leadership understood in terms of domination, hegemony or imposing its own political will on other entities participating in the system of mutual connections. The specificity of the political system of the European Union gives great importance to both intergovernmental and supranational mechanisms, while the key role in shaping this system is still played by the Member States. Although the treaty provisions ensured formal equality of states, the importance of Germany as an informal leader of the Community is increasingly becoming the subject of political debate about the EU. Taking into account the assumptions of neoliberal institutionalism related to both the key position of states and the great importance of institutions guaranteeing the transparency of their activities, as well as taking into account the long-term benefits of cooperation, the article defines the concept of leadership in the context of state cooperative behavior. The adopted methodological and theoretical framework allowed for a detailed analysis of Germany’s influence in the EU, especially in the field of diplomatic activities. The aim of the article was to define the main determinants of the role of Germany as the EU leader, which bases its leadership on cooperation with other Member States, recognizing and respecting institutional solutions that limit the possibility of implementing individual priorities and guarantee transparency of actions for common interests, and in the long run legitimize the role of the state as an informal leader who represents a common position negotiated in the forum of the institutions. Using the institutional and legal method, the method of existing research and a case study (peace negotiations under the Normandy format), the main assumptions were verified and it was confirmed that the determinant of Germany’s leadership is not only its political and economic potential, but also the ability to cooperate and provide information to EU institutions on activities in the implementation of the priorities of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. The approach based on respect for common interests and transparency of actions strengthened Germany’s image as a leader.
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Although studies on the state and its relations with civil society have recently become popular in the western and eastern world alike history of the debates can be traced back to Cicero. What made discussions about civil society so favorable within the social sciences and in public life in general was, according to Keane, “the sense of an end of an era, the unacceptability of tyranny, the disenchantment with etatism, the desirability of certain types of liberty.” (Keane, 1996:.10) Hegel, Marx, Paine, Gellner and many other western thinkers have one think in common which is the necessity of civil society for a democratic state despite their differences in its historical evolution. Many think that civil society is just the opposite of a “military society”. However, the meaning of the concept is related to “city life and culture”. It represents “rights and responsibilities” emerging with the rise of free societies and democratic states. Thus there are obvious disparities between advanced and nonadvanced democracies and the degree and existence of civil society in these democracies.
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Different ideas have been at the forefront in Azerbaijan's foreign policy periodically. In this study, the concept of balance, which is effective in Azerbaijan's foreign policy is examined in the perspective of Neorealist theory. The understanding of balance has emerged as a necessity in Azerbaijan's foreign policy, taking into account the geopolitical elements. The dominance of the anarchic structure of the international system in the Caucasus region has been important in the emergence and research of this study. It is important in terms of examining this study in a theoretical framework in terms of the rational behavior of small states in foreign policy.
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On February 4, 2019, the Document on Human Fraternity for World Peace and Living Together was signed by Pope Francis and the Grand Imam Ahmad al-Tayeb in Abu Dhabi. The moment marked a historical breakthrough in the area of interreligious dialogue becoming one of the broadest commented interreligious initiatives of the last decades. But it also symbolized the changing role of religious discourse in its relation to the political discourse as well as their mutual “entanglement”. Soon the series of events that followed visibly evidenced the growing role of the religious ideas and religious actors in the global discussion on the most problematic contemporary issues and their increasingly collaborative relations to non-religious actors, both at governmental and non-governmental level. As such they became the exemplification of the new postsecular discourse that had been conceptualized two decades ago calling for a more inclusive approach towards religion in the public sphere as well as for a “mutual process of learning” between the religious and the secular domains. In the area of international politics, it has been further developed into the concept of the religious and inter-religious engagement, proposing some practical tools for a more effective exploitation of the religious potential. Adopting the IR perspective, the article aims to analyze both normatively and empirically how the religiously based initiatives and ideas have contributed to international debate developing its own concepts such as “culture of encounter” and “fraternity” that from a secular point of view represents the call for political inclusion and non-discrimination of minorities (Petito, Daou, and Driessen 2021, 10). Based on the examination of the Holy See’s documents and through application of comparative, interpretative, and discourse analysis methods, the main focus will be put on Pope Francis’ teaching who formulated both concepts as the leading topics of his pontificate. Realized in the global context through interreligious dialogue, they constitute the exemplification of what Jodok Troy (2021) called “global politics from below”.
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